Blog Lesson Note POL 012 Pre-NCE 2018
Area
to cover for POL 012 Pre-NCE
Pre-colonial politics,
system structure of governance among the Tivs, Hausa, Kanem- Bornu, Igbo and
Yoruba, British conquest and rule in Nigeria (process of acquisition,
administrative policy and impact of the rule), comparison of Brithish and
French colonial administration, Nationalist Movements, Influence of External
factors, constitutional development from 1922-1960.
Pre-colonial Political system of the Tivs
Are
people living on both sides of the Benue River in
Nigeria; they speak a language of the Benue-Congo branch of the Niger-Congo
family.
The
Tivs are subsistence farmers whose main crops are yams, millet, and sorghum,
all of which are eaten as porridge or are made more palatable by
their combination in sauces and stews. Although goats and chickens are
plentiful, few cattle are kept because of the tsetse fly. The polygynous
Tiv family occupies a cluster of round huts surrounding a reception hut;
brothers usually live next to one another.
Tiv
social organization is based on patrilineages that
are closely associated with particular geographic features; in segmentary
lineage systems such as the Tiv’s, a given lineage may be associated, more or
less exactly, to a particular village, a group of lineages to a larger
district, and so on. Genealogies go back many generations to a single ancestor;
the descendants (through the male line) of each person in the genealogy thus
form a territorial kinship group. The force of patrilineal descent, while
dominant in Tiv institutions, is balanced by institutions such as age grades
(groups of men of about the same age who provide mutual assistance and allies
against lineage pressure), cooperative groups, and institutionalized
friendships. Although traditionally the Tiv had no chiefs (political decisions
were made by lineage elders), the British administration established a
paramount chief in 1948. The Tiv’s complex system of exchange
marriage was outlawed in 1927 and was replaced by marriage with
bride wealth.
Some
Tiv are Christians, and a lesser number adopted Islam; but their
traditional religion, based on the manipulation of forces (akombo)
entrusted to humans by a creator god, remains strong. The akombo are manifested in
certain symbols or emblems and in diseases that they create. An organization of
elders who have the ability to manipulate these forces meets at night to repair
those manifestations of akombo (e.g., epidemics)
that affect the group; these phenomena require human sacrifice or
its metaphorical equivalent. The Tiv numbered about 2,500,000 in the late 20th
century.
Political Organization of the Tiv
The Tiv political
organization was traditionally based solely on the lineage principle. That principle
was recognized by the colonial government, which nevertheless added a hierarchy of offices, one
for each lineage level recognized by the government. Market organizations were often
used for political purposes.
Pre-colonial
Political Administration of the Hausa
Immediately after the great Jihad war
(1804-1810) led by Usman Dan Fodio,
the former fourteen Hausa states were merged and then divided into two
caliphates. The eastern caliphate which included states like Yola, Gombe, Kano,
Zaria and Katsina had Sokoto as its capital territory while the western
caliphate, including Ilorin, Argungun and Kontagora had Gwandu as its capital
city. Usman Dan Fodio became the head (Sarkin Muslim) of the whole Hausa land
while the control of Sokoto (eastern) and Gwandu (western) caliphates went to
Bello, Usman Dan Fodio’s son and Abdullah, Usman Dan Fodio’s brother
respectively.
Moreover, the Sokoto and Gwandu caliphates
were sub divided into emirates for easy administration. Each emirate was headed
by an Emir who was appointed from two or three ruling families with the
approval of the Emir of Sokoto or Gwandu, depending on the emirate who were in charge
of the selection. These lesser Emirs were responsible to the Emirs of Sokoto
and Gwandu respectively.
However, in each emirate, the Emir was
assisted by some officials who were assigned to certain duties. These officials
included, the ‘Waziri’ who was the administrative officer or prime minister;
the ‘Galadima’ who was in charge of the capitals; the ‘Madawaki’ who was the
commander of the army; the ‘Dogari’ who was the head of the police; the
‘Maaji’, the treasurer; the ‘Sarkin Ruwa’, the river fishing official; the
‘Sarkin Fada’ who was responsible for the administration of the palace; and the
‘Sarkin Pawa’, the head of all butchers. All these officials, who were
appointed by the Emir, were consulted in running the day to day affairs of the
emirate. This can be said to be a similarity to the Yoruba political
administration, but unlike a Yoruba kingdom, power was centralized
in the hands of the Emir who had absolute control over these officials and
could depose or dethrone any of them at his will.
Each emirate was further divided into districts
which were headed by an official known as Hakimi. The Hakimi was appointed by
the Emir to oversee the affairs of each district which included maintaining
peace and order and collection of taxes like Jangali (cattle tax), Jizyah (land
tax) and Zakat. The Hakimi was however assisted in carrying out these functions
by the village heads whom he appointed himself.
The judicial administration of Hausa land
was based on Sharia law which covered a wide range of issues like marriage,
divorce, theft, murder, debt and so on. These laws were interpreted by the
Alkali judges in the Alkali courts. Each emirate could have more than one
Alkali court depending on its size. However, issues not covered by the Sharia
law were transferred to the Emir court where the Emir could preside over such
issues. The Emir must be careful in making his laws or judgments as they must
not go against the will of Islam religion which was the main practice of the
people in Hausa land, for example, the Emir could not legalize the drinking of
alcohol in the emirate. Therefore, the legislative powers of the land can be
said to be solely wielded by the Emir in accordance to the religion of Islam.
The Hausa pre-colonial political system
was a highly centralized while, the Emir posses almost all the powers. This was
one of the main reasons why the Indirect Rule System was
very successful in the Northern part of Nigeria (Hausa/Fulani Empire).
THE KANEM-BORNU
EMPIRE
The first well documented state in the
northern region was the kingdom of Kanem Bornu, which emerged east of Lake Chad
in what is now southwestern Chad by the 9th century ad. Kanem profited from trade ties with North Africa and the
Nile Valley, from which it also received Islam. The Saifawas, Kanem’s ruling
dynasty, periodically enlarged their holdings by conquest and marriage into the
ruling families of vassal states. The empire, however, failed to sustain a
lasting peace. During one conflict-ridden period sometime between the 12th and
14th centuries, the Saifawas were forced to move across Lake Chad into Bornu,
in what is now far northeastern Nigeria. There, the Kanem intermarried with the
native peoples, and the new group became known as the Kanuri. The Kanuri state
centered first in Kanem and then in Bornu, is known as the Kanem-Bornu Empire,
hereafter referred to as Bornu.
The Kanuri eventually returned
to Chad and conquered the empire lost by the Saifawas. Its dominance thus
assured, Bornu became a flourishing center of Islamic culture that rivaled Mali
to the far west. The kingdom also grew rich in trade, which focused on salt
from the Sahara and locally produced textiles. In the late 16th century, the
Bornu king Idris Alooma expanded the kingdom again, and although the full
extent of the expansion is not clear, Bornu exerted considerable political
influence over Hausa land to the west. In the mid- and late 18th century,
severe droughts and famines weakened the kingdom, but in the early 19th century
Bornu enjoyed a brief revival under al-Kanemi, a shrewd military leader who
resisted a Fulani revolution that swept over much of Nigeria. Al-Kanemi’s
descendants continue as traditional rulers within Borno State. The Kanem-Bornu
Empire ceased to exist in 1846 when it was absorbed into the Wadai sultanate to
the east.
Pre-Colonial
Political System in Igbo land
The Igbo pre-colonial political system was
described as an ‘a cephalous political system‘which can be translated
as ‘a leaderless or chief less political system’. This term is suitable for
describing the Igbo pre-colonial political system why because it was
decentralized and based on village and direct democracy where everyone in the
village has the authority to contribute in decision making. Each Igbo village
was seen as a political unit inhabited by related families who were bounded by
common beliefs and origin. Each family head in the village held the ‘Ofo‘
title and altogether formed the council of elders. The council of
elders presided over important issues on the village’s welfare, safety,
development and so on. Among the council of elders, one was recognized as the
most senior to others. He was the ‘Okpara‘. He could call for and
adjourn a meeting, and could also give judgments as well.
The council of elders was believed to be
earthly representatives of the Igbo ancestors. They maintained the age long
customs, traditions and laws of the land. These included laws against
misbehavior or immoral acts in which suitable punishment would be meted out to
its perpetrators. There an important institution in the Igbo political system
called the age-grade. The age-grade consisted of youngsters that
belong to the same age-group. The senior age-group maintained peace and order
in the village and also provided security to ward off external attacks, while
the junior age-group concentrated on the sanitation of the community and other
necessary duties, like going to fine some perpetrators that refused to comply
pertaining their rules and regulations.
The age-grade were also involved in the
administration of the village, and as well acted as a check to the council of
elders and other administrative bodies.
Another level in the Igbo political administration were the ‘Ozo‘title holders. This expensive title was conferred on wealthy and influential men in the community who after getting the title become recognized and could then preside over meetings with the village elders. Also, the priests were not left out in the administration of the village. Great importance were attached to them for they were believed to be the mouthpiece of the gods e.g. Aro’s long juju. Even the council of elders consulted the priests on matters that were beyond their powers i.e. matters that needed spiritual intervention. Therefore, different institutions were doggedly involved in administering the Igbo community, and powers were equally shared among them.
we can conclude that the Igbo pre-colonial political system can be safely said to be similar to the modern Republican system of government in which the people are governed by their consent.
Another level in the Igbo political administration were the ‘Ozo‘title holders. This expensive title was conferred on wealthy and influential men in the community who after getting the title become recognized and could then preside over meetings with the village elders. Also, the priests were not left out in the administration of the village. Great importance were attached to them for they were believed to be the mouthpiece of the gods e.g. Aro’s long juju. Even the council of elders consulted the priests on matters that were beyond their powers i.e. matters that needed spiritual intervention. Therefore, different institutions were doggedly involved in administering the Igbo community, and powers were equally shared among them.
we can conclude that the Igbo pre-colonial political system can be safely said to be similar to the modern Republican system of government in which the people are governed by their consent.
The
political administrative structure of the Oyo Empire (Yoruba land)
The vast Oyo Empire was known to be
the largest and the most powerful of all Yoruba empires.
Here is the pre-colonial political administration of the Oyo Empire:
Here is the pre-colonial political administration of the Oyo Empire:
THE ALAAFIN: The Alaafin was seen as the political head of the
empire. He was chosen by the Oyomesi. It was claimed that he could only appear
three times a year in public and that was only during some historical festivals
or event.
THE AREMO: is the eldest son of the ruling Alaafin but cannot succeed
his father at his demise. He can only help his father in the administrative
system of the Empire.
THE OYOMESI: These are the seven hereditary kingmakers in the Oyo Empire.
Their leader was Bashroun. Their duty was the installation of the new Alaafin
when the time arises.
BAALE OR OBA: Each province was administered by Ajele or Oba. They
guaranteed the payment of tribute and homage to the Alaafin. There was the
claim that these rulers had the power to threaten any hardened Alaafin or chief
by invoking the god of thunder and lightning through the cult of Sango, to a
deified Alaafin.
THE ARMY (ESO): Are- ono kankanfo was the head of the army. Oyo had
for long maintained a strong army that had been used in winning different wars.
It was claimed that if the army should suffer any defeat, the Are- ona-
kankanfo was to commit suicide or go on exile.
THE OGBONI SOCIETY: This society posse judicial powers and was involved
also in policy making. The maintenance and preservation of the cultural values
of the people were also delegated to them. They influence a lot of issues in
the society.
THE THREE ENUCHES: are also involved in the administration of the Empire.
Namely:
1. The Osi Efa: He
was in charge of political affairs, who dies with the Alaafin and can also be
called ‘Abobaku’.
2. The Ona Efa: meant for judicial purpose
3. The Otun Efa: functions for the religious duties of the Alaafin .
Based on what was known as the
Yoruba history we can safely conclude that the Yoruba political system had a resemblance
to the modern federal system of government.
Pre-colonial
systems in Nigeria witnessed a lot of alterations at the advent
from the British colonial masters. Several traditional rulers tried to protect
and preserve their political organization of their kingdoms or empires but were
overpowered by the British government and later gave up after much pressure and
threat from the colonial masters. Colonialism had a great impact on every pre-
colonial system in Nigeria, which has come to stay even till today.
The British conquest and Rule in Nigeria
The colonial period in Nigeria began with the slave trade in
the 15th century. According to an article from The Commonwealth entitled
"Nigeria: History," the Portuguese paved the way for the slave trade,
and Nigeria was a big area of business for them. They sold slaves in order to
obtain spices and weapons in other areas. However, the article written by
John Edward Phillips entitled "What's New About African History?" states
that the Nigerians themselves were the ones who provided the slaves. Tensions
between different ethnic groups and tribes caused prisoners of war, so to
speak, who would be sold to the Portuguese as slaves. For many Nigerians, this
was their main source of income.
"Nigeria: History" also states that by the 18th century, the British had replaced the Portuguese as
the leaders of the slave trade
business. According to Google Culture Institute's "Birth of the
Nigerian Colony," British traders settled in Nigeria around this time in
an area that surrounded the Niger River known as Lagos. The abolition of the
slave trade was the key moment when the British truly “intervened in the
region.” They placed their focus on obtaining goods to increase their ability
to trade, as well as on converting the people of the area, which was previously
heavily Muslim, to Christianity.
The British began their colonization of the area by slowly
moving around the area and defeating different power heads in order to obtain
more trading goods. According to an article written by Toyin Falola titled
"Nigeria as a Colony," the British government gained control over the
Royal Niger Company’s territories, and added on lower regions near the river to
create the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria and Protectorate of Southern
Nigeria. The British kept their control over Nigeria via indirect rule, which
meant that local leaders would govern the area under orders of the British.
This way, the British could profit from the economy of Nigeria that, because of
their intervention, was based primarily on the export of different crops
including palm oil, cacao, and peanuts, while also not getting in the way of
ethnic tensions.
The British created “divide and rule policy” that could keep
different Nigerian groups as far away from one another as possible. Further
divisions among the country came about from the fact that “traditional authorities”
led the north, and subsequently Islam resisted the spread of Christianity. The
south, however, was home of a “political hierarchy” in which the British “ruled
through those who were most malleable.” Here Christianity spread quickly,
adding further tensions to the area by separating people in both religion and
politics.
Basically, near the mid 20th century, many groups in Nigeria
were fearful of gaining independence, for they knew the major ethnic groups
would gain control of the new country. However, by 1960, Nigeria achieved its
independence.
The
following map shows 21st century Nigeria and the major ethnic groups that live
within the country. Because the colonial powers drew national borders around so
many different groups, the postcolonial history includes the struggle for power
among various factions. To learn about other issues regarding Nigeria's
population and government in the viewpoint of a Nigerian author
French
and British Colonial Styles
Africans were seen as being inferior to the British and their belief was that there is nothing good from the blacks and that was why many of them, encouraged racism. They believe that the white is superior in nature and that no matter what the blacks becomes in life even act, speak and behave like the whites cannot be equated to them. Simply put it that the black men are not qualified to be rated as human. To the whites the blacks are kind of people from the jungle close to animal. If they are not rated as animal why where they sold as slaves to work for them any time any day whether they are sick or not. What they did to the Africans was man’s inhumanity to man.
The French, by comparison, were prepared to treat Africans as equals, but only if they learnt to speak French properly and adopted the values of French culture. If they reached a sufficient level of education Africans might be accepted as French citizens. To fall below the required level was to invite charges of racial inferiority.
France encouraged an increasing closeness with her colonies on the eve of independence and thereafter. Britain took the view that it would give limited support to its colonies as they moved into independence; for the British independence meant being independent of Britain.
At a military level, there was a
continued reliance on African soldiers by the French. Senegalese soldiers
continued to be in the French army after World War II. This stands in contrast
with the British, who immediately demobbed African soldiers after the war. Acquiring
the values and language of the French, brought opportunities and prospects for
people in the French colonies. The
growing number of nationalists found this not enough for them.
Therefore, in the 1950's African delegates in the French National Assembly came together to form the Rassemblement Democratique Africain (RDA) under the leadership of Felix Houphouet-Boigny from the Cote d’Ivoire. Senghor broke with the RDA in 1948 and formed the Bloc Democratique Senegalais, or BDS. He was determined that Senegal should be the leading political force in that region. The 1960 independence came to most of the French colonies. In the same year Nigeria, the Gambia, Cameroun and Somalia became independent of British rule. Nigeria, because of its size and strong regional power bases, opted for a federal structure at independence.
Nationalist Movement
Herbert Macaulay became a very public figure in
Nigeria, and on June 24, 1923, he founded the Nigerian National Democratic Party
(NNDP), the first Nigerian political party in the history of the nation. The NNDP won all the seats in
the elections of 1923, 1928 and 1933. In the 1930s, Macaulay took part in
organizing Nigerian nationalist militant attacks on the British colonial
government in Nigeria. The Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) founded in
1933 by Professor Eyo Ita was joined in 1936 by Nnamdi
Azikiwe that sought support from all Nigerians regardless of
cultural background, and quickly grew to be a powerful political movement. In
1944, Macaulay and NYM leader Azikiwe agreed to form the National Council of Nigeria and the
Cameroons (NCNC) (a part of Cameroon was incorporated into the British
colony of Nigeria). Azikiwe increasingly became the dominant Nigerian
nationalist leader, he supported pan-Africanism
and a pan-Nigerian based nationalist movement.
Nigerian nationalism as at that time was a
radical movement and grew in popularity and power in the post-World War II
period when Nigeria faced undesirable political and economic conditions under
British rule. The most prominent agitators for nationalism were Nigerian ex-soldiers who were veterans of World
War II who had fought alongside British forces in the Middle East,
Morocco,
and Burma;
another important movement that aided nationalism were trade union
leaders. In 1945 a national general
strike was organized by Michael
Imoudu who along with order trade union figures became prominent
nationalists.
However Nigerian nationalism by the 1940s was
already facing regional and ethnic problems to its goal of promoting a united
pan-Nigerian nationalism. Nigerian nationalism and its movements were
geographically significant and important in southern Nigeria while a comparable
Nigerian nationalist organization did not arrive in northern Nigeria until the
1940s. This regional division in the development and significance of Nigerian
nationalism also had political implications for ethnic divide - southern
Nigeria faced strong ethnic divisions between the Igbo
and the Yoruba while northern Nigeria did not have
strong internal divisions, this meant northern Nigeria that is demographically
dominated by the Hausa was politically stronger due to its
greater internal unity than that of southern Nigeria that was internally
disunities. The south that was ethnically divided between the Igbo and the
Yoruba, though the region most in favour of Nigerian nationalism; faced the
north that was suspicious of the politics of the south, creating the
North-South regional cleavage that has remained an important issue in Nigerian
politics.
In 1960, Nigeria became an independent country.
Azikiwe became the first President of Nigeria.
THE 1922 CONSTITUTION
The Clifford
constitution of 1922, introduced the first electoral system in Nigeria. The
first election was conducted into the legislative council with four slots: 3
for Lagos while 1 for Calabar. However, the election was based on limited
franchise which restricted the election to those that earned a minimum of 100
pounds annually, which was very expensive for most Nigerians.
It also
introduced a legislative council which replaced the Nigerian council. It
consisted of 46 members with the governor as the head. Out of the 46, 23 were
official members and 19 were unofficial members. The remaining four were
elected as previously stated. However, the council could only legislate for the
South. The governor legislated for the North via proclamation.
There was
also an executive council; however, it had no Nigerians. It consisted of the
governor, chief secretary, lieutenant governors, an administrator for Lagos,
attorney – general, commandant of the Nigerian regiment,director of medical
service, Comptroller general and Secretary for native affairs.
After Hugh
Clifford, there were two other governors, Cameroon and Bernard Boudillion. They
didn’t do much in terms of constitutional development. However, Boudilion
divided Nigeria into East, West and North for administrative purposes. This was
the bedrock for future regionalism.
THE RICHARDS CONSTITUTION
In 1944, governor, Sir Arthur Richards took over from
Clifford an provided a new proposal for constitutional amendment. This was as a
result of pressure being mounted on him by the educated elite. They felt that
the Clifford Constitution did not represent the indigenous population.
Therefore, the governor introduced the constitution which had the following
aims:
1.
To promote Nigeria’s
unity
2.
To provide
adequately within that desire for the diverse elements that make up the country
3.
To provide greater
participation of Africans in the determination of their own affairs.
The
constitution provided for a new legislative council, it had: The governor, 16
official members, and 28 unofficial members. Of the 28, two were nominated by
the governor while 4 were elected. The North had 11 members; the West had 8
members while the East had 6 members. The elected 4 were from Lagos and
Calabar. Also, the constitution made the council legislate for the whole
country.
The
constitution also provided for regional houses of assembly. The members of the
regional assembly were nominated by the native authority. However, they weren’t
legislative bodies. They were just grounds for discussing national issues.
Also, it was from the house of assembly that members were nominated to the
legislative council. The East and West had unicameral legislature while the
North, in addition to a house of assembly, had a house of chiefs.
More so, the
constitution reduced the amount of the limited franchise from 100 pounds to 50
pounds. This is considered as a plus because more people could vote and be
voted for. However, it was still too expensive for most Nigerians. The
executive council in Lagos also had for the first time, Nigerians. They were
Sir Adeyemo Alakija and Bankole Rhodes.
Despite
all these improvements compared to the Clifford constitution, the constitution
still had some defects. First, it limited franchise to only Lagos and Calabar.
Also, the money required for the right to vote was still too expensive for most
Nigerians. Also, the regional houses of assemblies could not make laws; they
were merely grounds for public discussion. The constitution also did not
include the elites. This is because those nominated into the regional houses of
assembly and the legislative council was nominated by the native authority.
MACPHERSON CONSTITUTION
Richard
constitution was also criticized as not having the interest of all, it was felt
that a new constitution was needed. The governor, Sir John Macpherson, not
wanting to make the mistake his predecessor made, decided to include Nigerian
in the constitutional making process. There was wide consultation of Nigerians
even to the village levels. Also, there was the Ibadan conference of 1950. The
result of all these was that it led to the creation of the Macpherson
constitution.
The
constitution provided for a federal legislature called the House of
Representatives. It had 136 elected representatives, 6 ex-officio members and 6
nominated by the governor. 68 members were from the North, 34 from the West and
34 from the East.
It also
provided for regional legislatures that could make laws for their regions. The
legislatures in the West and North were bi-cameral, each having a house of
chiefs alongside the regional legislature. In the East, it was a unicameral
legislature. It was also from the regional legislatures that members were
nominated to the legislative council.
LYTTLETON CONSTITUTION
Despite,
the improvements in the Macpherson constitution, it could not keep Nigerians
united. It collapsed soon due to problems from the legislature. In 1953,
Anthony Enahoro of the A.G proposed on the floor of the house that Nigeria
should be given independence in 1956. The Northerners, who felt they were not
ready for independence, opposed the move for independence. They proposed that
independence should be given ‘as soon as practicable’. This led to been booed
in Lagos. This led to a riot in Kano in reaction to what happened in Lagos.
Also, the North threatened to secede.
In order
to calm things down, the then colonial secretary, Oliver Lyttleton called the
leaders for a conference in London. Some issues were discussed during the
conference and committees were set up. Their reports were to be considered in
the Lagos conference of 1954. It was the conference that led to the Lyttleton
constitution.
The
constitutional conferences of 1953 and 1954 held in London and Lagos
respectively gave birth to the Lyttleton constitution. The constitution fully
introduced a federal system, with North, East, West and Southern Cameroons, whereas,
the Federal capital territory was in Lagos.
Based on
the recent development the West African court of appeal was abolished. There
was a supreme court for Nigeria and individual high courts for the regions.
However, the highest court of appeal was the judicial committee of the Privy
Council. The Eastern and Western regions became self-governing in 1957 while
the North became self-governing in 1959. Southern Cameroon through a referendum
opted out of Nigeria.
THE INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUTION
On 1st
October 1960, Nigeria became independent. This meant that Nigeria was a
sovereign state independent of colonial influences. However, this was not fully
the case. The Queen was still the head of state, even though, she was
represented by a Nigerian in the person of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe who was the
Governor-General (head of government) while Tafawa Balewa was Prime minister (head
of state).
The
constitution was like the 1954 constitution but with minor changes. There was
the inclusion of provisions for acquiring citizenship of the country. There was
also included in the constitution provisions for the procedure for amendment of
the constitution. Some Judges of the courts were appointed through nomination
by the judicial service commission upon the assent of the Privy Council. The Privy
Council was as at then the highest court of appeal in the country.
The
constitution divided legislative powers between the center and the regional
legislature. It made provisions for an exclusive legislative list. It also made
provisions for a concurrent list. Items in the exclusive list were to be
legislated by only the central legislature. Items in the concurrent list were
to be legislated upon by the central legislature and the regional legislatures.
Items not included in any of the lists were regarded as residual lists which were within the sole purview of the regional
legislature.
It also
provided for a dual executive. This meant that we had the Head of State and the
Head of Government in two different people. The head of government was Nnamdi
Azikiwe while the head of state was Tafawa Balewa. The head of state had only
ceremonial functions while the head of government had executive powers. He was
responsible for the day to day running of the activities of government. The
constitution also provided for its supremacy. This was in contrast to the
convention in a parliamentary system. In a parliamentary system they have
parliamentary supremacy, not constitutional supremacy. However, due to the
heterogeneous nature of Nigeria, the constitution had to be supreme in order to
dissuade fears of domination of minority groups.
Even though,
Nigeria was purported to have gained independence from the British, there were
still some vestiges of imperialism in the independence constitution. One of
them is that the queen was still the head of state, who was represented by a
Nigerian. Also, the highest court of appeal was the judicial committee of the Privy
Council in the House of Lords instead of the Nigerian Supreme court. It was due
to these that a new constitution had to be made. This was the 1963 republican
constitution that gave Nigeria their full right as a republic nation .
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ASSIGNMENT
More than half a century ago Nigeria attained her independence from Britain. And there was a bunch of brave men, who fought for it's independence for the last drop of blood. Here is the list of 10 heroes who helped fighting for independence of Nigeria
Herbert Macaulay
Herbert Samuel Heelas Macaulay (1864-1946) was a Nigerian journalist, politician, engineer and musician, considered by many Nigerians as the founder of Nigerian nationalism. Born in Lagos to Sierra Leonean Creole parents (descendants of freed African-American slaves settled in western Sierra Leone), he was the grandson of Bishop Ajayi Crowther and the son
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe
Fondly renowned as ‘Zik of Africa,’ Dr. Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe an elder statesman, outstanding journalist, sportsman, politician and scholar was born to Igbo parents on November 16, 1904, in Zungeru, in Northern Nigeria. Azikiwe was a close friend and mentor to Ghana’s first President, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. Incidentally, both men, who eventually became President and Prime Minister of their respective countries.
Chief Obafemi Awolowo
Jeremiah Oyeniyi Obafemi Awolowo was born on March 6, 1909 in Ikenne, Remo, Ogun State. He had his primary school education at St. Saviour’s School, Ikenne, and at Imo Wesleyan School, Abeokuta. He attended Wesley College, Ibadan in 1927, and much later the University of London. He was awarded the degree of Bachelor of Commerce (Hons.) and Bachelor of Laws by the University of London.
Sir Ahmadu Bello
Reckoned as one of the most prominent political protagonist of Nigeria, Alhaji Sir Ahmadu Bello was born on the 12th June, 1910, in Rabbah, in Sokoto State. He was inevitably born with a silver spoon in his mouth as his family was believed to be the founder of Sokoto Empire. Ahmadu Bello had his earlier education in Sokoto Provincial School and later at Katsina Teacher's Training College.
Chief Anthony Enahoro
Anthony Eremosele Enahoro (1923-2010) was one of Nigeria's foremost anti-colonial and pro-democracy activists. Enahoro had a long and distinguished career in the media, politics, the civil service and the pro-democracy movement.
The Edo-born politician was an accomplished journalist, who served as editor in the newspaper empire of Nnamdi Azikiwe.
Gen. Murtala Ramat Mohammed:
This list cannot be complete without making mention of General Murtala Mohammed. He was one of Nigeria’s military rulers and he was born on November 8, 1938 in the ancient city of Kano. He took his first political appointment as Commissioner for Communications in 1974 which he combined with his military duties.
Egbert Udo Udoma (21 June 1917 – 2 February 1998) was a lawyer and justice of the Nigerian Supreme Court. He was Chief Justice of Uganda from 1963 to 1969. He spent 13 years as a judge on the Supreme Court of Nigeria and was chairman of the Constituent Assembly from 1977 to 1978.
Aminu Kano (1920—April 17, 1983) was a Muslim politician from Nigeria. In the 1940s he led a socialist movement in the northern part of the country in opposition to British rule.[1] The Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport and the Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, both in Kano, are named after him.
Alvan Ikoku (August 1, 1900–November, 1971) was a Nigerian educator, statesman, activist and politician.
In 1932, Ikoku established a Co-Educational Secondary School in West Africa: the Aggrey Memorial Secondary School, located in Arochukwu and named after his mentor James E.K. Aggrey, an eminent Ghanaian educationist.
Senator Joseph Sarwuan Tarka (1932–1980) was a Nigerian politician from Benue State and a former minister for Transport and then Communications under General Yakubu Gowon. He was one of the founding members of the United Middle Belt Congress, a political organization dedicated to protecting and advocating for the country's Middle Belt.