History of Constitutional
Development in Nigeria
Many centuries
before European imperialism in Africa, the unlettered people of Africa had been
governing their societies through unwritten constitutions derived from their
cultures, customs and tradition. The constitutional history of Nigeria began
with the conquest of Lagos in 1861 by the British. This was followed a year
after by the declaration of Lagos as a new ‘Crown Colony’ or Settlement (Burn:
1978, pp.130-131) and the introduction of the first colonial Constitution in
Nigeria. A Legislative Council comprising a Chief Justice, Colonial Secretary
and a senior military officer commanding the imperial forces, was introduced
(Olusanya: 1980, p. 518).
The
Clifford Constitution of 1922
The difficulty
involved in the size of the country was poor transportation and communications,
cultural diversity and legal differences between the colony and the Islamized
North were among reasons for the exclusion of the Northern Province from the
Legislative Council (Tamuno: 1967, p.121). Moreover there was annual budget,
expenditure and custom duties that concerned the North that was also discussed
by the Council.
The Clifford
constitution was important in that it embodied for the first time the principle
of election in Nigeria. Out of the 46 members of the Legislative Council- 27
unofficial and 19 official - four of the unofficial members were elected
through limited male adult franchise; three from Lagos and one from Calabar.
The condition of election was the residential qualification of one year in any
of Lagos or Calabar and a gross annual income of £ 100 per annum (Olusanya:
1980, p.522). The Clifford constitution also established an Executive Council
to advise the governor. It was not until after 1943 that the first two
unofficial Africans were appointed into the Executive Council (Okonkwo: 1962,
p.211). Another major effect of the constitution was that it stimulated the
formation of political organizations in the country such as the NNDP (Afigbo:
2003, p. 52). This constitution remained operative up to 25 year.
Richard
Constitution of 1946
A new
constitution proposal was published by, Sir Arthur Richard, the new Governor of
Nigeria, published a new constitutional proposal at the end of December 1944
(Olusanya: 1980, p. 524). The constitutional proposal was in response to the
demand and agitation by some sections of the country, particularly the more
educated south for either self-government or more participation in government.
This opinion was articulated by the West African Student Union (WASU) and the
National Youth Movement (NYM) (Coleman: 1986, p. 271). The proposals for the
new constitution, prepared by the previous Governor, Bernard Bourdillon, were
presented to the Legislative Council of Nigeria on March 6, 1945.
The most distinguished feature of Richard
constitution was regionalism. It has been argued that the inclusion of the
principle of regionalism in the constitution was a compromise between the
radical regional separatists who preferred three strong states and the
federalists who wanted the Native authority system linked with the central
parliament (Coleman: 1986, p.276).Therefore, the stated objectives of the
constitution as presented in the white Paper were:
1. to
promote the unity of Nigeria ;
2. to
provide adequately within the desire for the diverse elements that make up the
country; and
3. to
secure greater participation by Africans in the discussion of their own affairs
(Okonkwo: 1962, p. 255). According to Coleman (1962: pp274-275), the
introduction of regionalism seemed to be attractive to the British for three
reasons. First, the idea of regionalism would at least partially assuage the
nationalist agitation. Second, it would ensure that the Legislative Council did
not grow too large and unwieldy. Lastly, it would also serve as ‘defense
against a possible seizure of central power by an educated minority in Lagos’.
The composition of the new Legislative Council included the Governor, 16
official members and 28 unofficial members, 24 of whom were nominated by the
Governor and the remaining 4 elected. In
addition to two official members, the Northern Province was represented by nine
unofficial members. The Western and the Eastern Provinces were equally represented
by two officials each and six unofficial and five unofficial respectively
(Okonkwo: 1962, p. 255).
The Richard
Constitution had a few advantages unlike the previous constitution. First, the
constitution integrated both North and South for legislative purpose. Second,
the income qualification of the aspirants was reduced from £100 to £50. It was
also a constitutional advance for Nigeria as the Central Legislative Council
was empowered to legislate for the whole country. The constitution also
introduced Regional Councils. While the Regional Council for the North had two
chambers (House of Assembly and House of Chiefs), the Western and Eastern had
one chamber each. Lastly, the creation of Regional Council brought government
closer to the people of Nigeria.
The
constitution was criticized for a number of reasons. First, the claim that the
constitution increased the participations of Nigerians was a false claim as
majority of unofficial members were nominated by the Governor and even in
reality were traditional chiefs who had problem to communicate in English
language. Second, the election principle under the constitution did not extend
beyond limited franchise even though income qualification was reduced. Third,
the elections of the four unofficial members were limited to Lagos and Calabar.
Also, there was no proper consultation of the indigenous people as promised by
the previous Governor, Sir Bernard Bourdillon. Perhaps the worst criticism came
from the educated nationalists who claimed that they were excluded from the
process and that the constitution was an imposition on the country. It should
be noted that even though the constitution’s claim of greater participation was
not adequate, it nonetheless provided greater opportunity for discussion and
debating public opinion. Not only that, the restriction of election to Lagos
and Calabar was probably because the level of literacy in other part of country
was still rather low. The numbers of the northerners in the parliaments
exceeded that of the southerners, this of course became the reference point for
establishment northern hegemony or domination of the country. This again may
have arisen out of the British coy to extend their stay in the country, and
this was testified to by the northerners’ unwillingness to gain independence
when they opposed independence movement made by Anthony Enahoro in 1956.
Macpherson
Constitution of 1951
By March 1949
a Select Committee of Legislative Council was set up to make recommendations on
the proposed new constitution of Nigeria by March 1949. Having examined the
problems emanated from Richard constitution, a wide consultation was made even
to village level (Olusanya: 1980 p.530). This was followed by an all Nigerian
Constitutional conference in January 1950. Among other things, the conference
agreed to federal system and transformation of the three regions from
administrative to political regions. The new constitution came into effect in
1951.
The
constitution introduced a single chamber central Legislative House (known as
the House of Representatives) and the executive Council for the entire country.
The constitution introduced bi-cameral legislature, the House of Assembly and
the House of Chiefs into the Western and the Northern regions but only House of
Assembly for the Eastern region. Besides division of the country into three,
the constitution also established regional executive council for each region.
The composition of the House of Representatives comprised of the President (the
Governor), six ex-officio members, One hundred and thirty six elected members
and six special members appointed by the Governor to represent interests not
adequately represented (Okonkwo: 1962, p.275). Out of one hundred and thirty
six elected members, sixty eight were to come from Northern House of Assembly,
thirty one from the Western House of Assembly and three by the Western House of
Chiefs. The remaining thirty four were members of the Eastern House of
Assembly.
One major
advantage of Macpherson Constitution was that it increased the level of
participation of indigenous people in the government. For the first time, the
number of unofficial members in the House of Representatives became
overwhelming. It is significant to note that the number of unofficial elected
members was far greater than unofficial nominated members. More importantly,
the constitution provided much longing opportunity for Nigerian nationalists to
learn the art of constitution making. Lastly,
the constitution ushered in the formation of new political parties.
Littleton Constitution of 1954
At this time it
became obvious that the Macpherson constitution could not work any longer. Two
major factors were responsible for the failure of the 1951 constitution. First,
in 1953, a member of House of Representatives, Chief Anthony Enahoro of Action
Group party moved the motion for self-government in 1956. This generated crisis in the House as
Northern delegates opposed the motion on the ground that the North was
unprepared for such sudden decision. The
leader of the NPC in the House, Sir Ahmadu Bello proposed that the date 1956
should be substituted with ‘as practicable as possible.’ The crisis was
aggravated when the Northern legislators were subjected to ridicule by the
Lagos crowd (Olusanya: 1980, p.536).
Secondly, both
the North and the West were critical and unsatisfactory of the concentration of
power in the Central Government in Lagos. (Okonkwo: 1962, p.294). The
consequence of this was the Kano riot of 1953 and the threat of secession by
the North. More importantly, the crisis stimulated London Conference where the
decision to review Macpherson Constitution was made. After protracted
deliberations in London and Lagos between 1953 and 1954, the conference granted
self-government to the regions (the west and the east) which desired it. The
position of Lagos which had hitherto been controversial was solved. Lagos
became Federal Territory with direct representation in the Central Legislature.
A new
constitution that recognized the demands of each region was drafted. In
addition to the existing three regions the North, the West and the East
Southern Cameroon attained a separate region each, with regional Legislative
Council and Lagos, the Federal Territory. At the Federal level, the office of
the Governor became Governor General while that of Lieutenant-Governor at the
regional level was transformed to the Governor. A Federal Supreme Court
replaced the West African Court of Appeal, and High Courts were provided for
regions, including Southern Cameroon and Lagos. More autonomy was granted the
regions. For instance the regional executives were responsible for the
formulation and execution of policies for their regions except matter related
to the Exclusive List of the Central government.
The
constitutional conference conveyed in 1957 ushered in two momentous
developments. The formal attainment of self-government by both the Eastern and
the Western regions on August 8 was approved. More importantly, there was
creation of national government by the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa
Balewa in spite of regionalization of the three major political parties- the
AG, the NCNC and the NPC.
It should be
noted that despite the full participation granted Nigerians in the 1957
constitutional deliberation, the Nigerian politicians did not display enough
maturity that could guarantee lasting peace and unity. By 1958, three knotty
obstacles were observed. These problems reflected in the minority questions,
agitation for separate states and the threat to national unity (Coleman: 1986,
384). The growth of ethnic nationalism, and close association and allegiance of
political parties to the major ethnic groups no doubt instigated the fear of
domination exercised by the minority groups. As Coleman aptly observes, ‘the
interlocking leadership of the principal cultural and political association has
furthered frustrated the tribalization of political groupsAnother problem
emanated from party rivalry between the AG and NCNC. In a bid to gain more vote
in the opponent’s region.
The promise of
autonomous to the minority groups created agitation for separate states by the
Middle Belt movement, Benin-Niger Delta and Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers State
Movement. To solve the problem, the Henry Willink Commission was set up to look
into the minority problem. On August 18, the commission submitted a detailed
report (Olaniyan and Alao: 2003, p.6). Four crucial points could be noted from
the Willink Commission report. First, the commission advised that creation of
new regions rather than solving the problems would escalate it.
Secondly, the
commission recommended that one strong police force that would not be subject
to the manipulation of regional politicians be established.
Third, it
recommended that areas where problems existed should be declare Special Area
and organization of boards that would complement development be established in
the areas. More
importantly, the commission advised that fundamental human rights should be
incorporated in the Independent Constitution (Olaniyan and Alao, p. 17).
Consequently,
the 1960 constitution came into effect. The constitution was modeled on
Westminster parliamentary style. But unlike the British constitution which was
unwritten, Nigerian constitution was a written one. The constitution provided
for Federal parliament made up of Governor General, a Senate and a House of
Representative. The former had forty four members while the latter had 312
members. Although the constitution granted the country political independence,
not complete sovereignty.
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