The Ethnic Setting in the Nigeria
Area Before 1800
In the description of the ethnic
setting in the Nigeria area before 1800, it is important to state that the
concept “Nigeria” is omitted because there was no Nigeria until 1914. What
existed was communities scattered all over the area now called Nigeria. These
communities operated their own laws and rules that govern the conduct of people
in such communities.
In the Nigeria area, these
communities were not on the same level of development and vary in their
orientation. For example, in the South-Eastern parts, the communities were
clan-based or village-based, that is, Igbo land. Other areas similar to the
Igbo were the Okun communities, Tiv and Ibira. These communities were highly decentralized
administratively. In other words, they didn’t have a single ruler or overall
ruler administering the community. They practiced what is called
gerontocracy-government by elders.
Prof. Afigbo in his book “Warrant
Chiefs” explained very well, in particular, as it has affected the Igbo land
where the government of most of the towns was administered by the Council of
Elders. This is similar in the open land. This is also explained in Prof.
Apata’s book particularly of the “Groundwork
of Niger-Benue area”.
Besides this, there are also some
communities in the Nigeria area that also operated this system like Hausa and
Yoruba state. For example, before 1800, some Yoruba communities operated a
highly centralized political system like in Oyo, Benin, Ife and also in the
Northern area, especially in the Hausa area like Kogi, Kebbi and so on. Some of
these Hausa states were headed by Sarakin. The Sarakin or Oba were the overall
rulers administering the people and initiated their own rules which ensured a
peaceful relationship on the land.
Whether centralized states in the
North or West or decentralized states in the East and Middle-belt, it is
observed through studies that most of these communities governed themselves in
the best possible way they knew at that time.
Furthermore, it will be essential
to talk about two main lines of argument concerning the relationship among the
people of Nigeria before the colonial period, in order to make a solid essay.
One is the Theory of Fundamental Diversity (or theory of strange bedfellows)
while the other is the Common Bond Theory, also known as the Theory of
Unity in Diversity.
According to the first theory, the
people of Nigeria before 1800 had little or nothing in common. They spoke
different languages, had cultural differences and had no common ideological
orientation; they were not united by common religion as they worshipped many
gods. In effect, when they were brought together by the British at the dawn of
the 20th century, they found themselves as “strange bed-fellows”.
Moreover, the theory goes on to
stress that even during the colonial period, the people were not brought
closely by the colonial administration based on the principle of Indirect
Rule, which emphasized local peculiarities and autonomy, and which tended
to hamper the opportunities for inter-group relations and the evolution of
national consciousness. Hence, when Nigeria became independent, there was, as
there still is, the difficulty of forging a nation of people so different in
backgrounds. Thus, every problem in the processes of nation building has been
seen in terms of this theory of “strange bed-fellows”.
The second line of argument
negates, to a large extent, what the first theory propounded. This theory
stresses that before the colonial period, common bonds existed among the
Nigerian people. It states that the differences in language and culture, though
apparent, were in the real sense not so ingrained. For, when well considered,
most Nigerian languages originated from a common parentage.
Also, it is argued that the
cultural differences, even today, are not as wide as is often emphasized. In
other words, this theory emphasizes that the Nigerian people from the earliest
times possible had had links among themselves. The nature of the evidence at
our disposal is more in support of the latter theory than the former. It is
true, as the first theory states, that the people of Nigeria speak different
languages and that they have different cultural backgrounds, but we do know
they had common bonds as the second theory has stated which can mitigate the
defects of the first one.
In the first place, the
geographical factor shows that the Nigeria area whose major zones complement
one another in terms of human needs. The major geographical zones are
mangrove swamps, forest, semi-savannah and grassland or savannah. None of
the people living in any of these zones had been able to live by themselves
alone or in isolation of others. For example, it is well known that the
dwellers of the mangrove area in the earliest times produced basically fish
and salt ‘But as man cannot live on fish and salt alone’, the mangrove
dwellers required tuberous products like yam, cocoyam and others from
the forest area to balance their diet in their daily meals.
For these products they exchanged
their fish and salt which the people in the forest zone also badly needed to
supplement their diet. Similarly, the forest dwellers needed the grains and
cattle of the savannah region in exchange for their kola-nuts, palm
oil and such other products of the forest zone needed by the inhabitants of
the savannah region.The contact here therefore was fostered by economic and
dietary necessity.
Moreover, in the era before the
introduction of the modern means of transportation, the material needs of the
people were satisfied by the reciprocal movement of goods and human beings.
Fortunately, the nature of the country in terms of configuration and vegetation
was, as it still is, such that could afford relatively easy passage. The forest
zone also had footpaths, and even the mangrove area provided waterways within
and outside each zone. In addition, the river system based on the Niger and
Benue and their tributaries enabled the people to move to many parts
outside their dwelling places.
Importantly, the most obvious
contact among various ethnic groups before 1800 was forged through trade.
The movement of people in order to trade in one commodity or the other cut
across zones- whether geographical or cultural. The activities of the traders
led to the establishment of well-known trade routes particularly those along
the Rivers Niger and Benue and their tributaries from north to south. There
were also overland routes which formed part of the Trans-Saharan Trade
routes which linked North Africa with West Africa.
Apart from the above, there were
links forged through political contacts before 1800 among ethnic groups in the
Nigeria area. Diplomatic relations existed among contiguous states, but
in addition, some of the states and empires during this period forged contact
through expansion. Through this process of expansion, people belonging to a
particular group were able to extend their influence over those outside their
cultural group. Such links were forged by the Empire of Kanem-Borno, Kingdom
of Jukun, and the Hausa States, all in the northern section, and the kingdom
of Benin and Old Oyo in the south.
Moreover, even in areas which had
no reputation for large political organization, contacts, and therefore
cultural influences, were forged through what could be called neo-economic
and political organization. An example that comes to mind is the oracle
system in Igboland. Nri and Aro-Chukwu, for instance, provided powerful ritual
centres where people from far and wide converged.
Nevertheless, there were inter-group
relations forged by language. Linguists have classified the various African
languages into groups according to how closely related they are to each other
or to one another. It is believed that most of these languages come from a
common parentage, that is, proto language. It should be noted that most West
African languages belong to what linguists call the Niger-Congo phylum.
The Kwa sub-group, to which many Nigerian languages belong,
has a list of more than sixty language units including Igbo, Yoruba, Edo, Nupe,
Ijo, Igala, Efik, and so on. Even among the Kwa languages, some are more closely
related to one another than to other members of the group. For example Igala
language is more closely related to Oyo – Yoruba. A close observation of
these languages would show the rationale behind the theories of the linguists.
For example:
Omi – In Igala means water
Omi – In Itsekiri means water
Omi – Is a Yoruba word for water
Mi – is Igbo word for water (common
with Enugu people and Nsukka Zone precisely)
Ise – Edo word for Amen
Ise – Igbo word meaning Amen
Ise – Urhobo word meaning
Amen
Ase – Yoruba word for Amen
Oko – This means husband in Yoruba
Oko – It also means husband in
Igala
Ododo – Urhobo word for flower
Ododo – Yoruba word for flower
Ododo – Igbo word for flower
Odolo – Igala word for flower
Lo – Igala word, meaning go
Lo – Yoruba word, meaning go
Oba – This refers to king in
Yoruba land
Oba – This also refers to king
among the Edo
Ujenwu – Igala word for food
Ounje – Yoruba word for food etc.
It is estimated that the Igala
and Yoruba share ninety per cent of their vocabularies in common. They
share a substantial number of vocabulary items because they belong, together
with Itsekiri, to the Defoid group. The knowledge that majority of
people speak languages which belong to the same language family no doubt
demonstrates that the people of Nigeria not only have historical and cultural
links through ages; they may in fact not to be as far apart as existing ethnic
or dialectic differences may tend to suggest.
Furthermore, the study of loan
words among language groups has also helped to deepen our knowledge of culture
change and contact among ethnic groups in the Nigeria area before 1800. For
example, there are several Kanuri loan words in the Hausa language.
Similarly, many Arabic words which the Hausa people borrowed through their
contact with the Arabs are today found in the Yoruba language, for example, alaafia,
wakati, wahala, anfaani, alubosa among others.
In addition, the traditions of
origin of the people in the Nigeria area and their dynasties indicate that
there was a great deal of interaction amongst the various groups, leading to
the forging of inter-ethnic and cultural unity. In some of such traditions,
there are accounts given of contact between and among peoples who today belong
to different cultural groups but who would still regard themselves as offspring
of the same ancestors, e.g. in the Bayajidda legend, we have seven original
Hausa states and seven subordinate states among which are included the Nupe,
Jukun and Ilorin-Yoruba. Other traditions are the Nri tradition in Igboland and
Oduduwa/Oranmiyan dynastic connection between Ife and Benin.
Again, evidences of inter-group
relationship are seen in the works of Arts. Archaeological investigations have
shown similarities between the works of art found in one area and those found
in another. Studies by archaeologists and art historians of the artefacts from
Nok, Daima, Ife, Benin and Igbo-Ukwu have revealed striking similarities in
production technique and design. These are strong indicators of contacts and
influences among the various ethnic groups in the Nigeria area before 1800.
However, it is not true as often
portrayed by the Europeans that before the arrival of the British, the various
communities or ethnic groups on the ground were often involved in inter-tribal
wars. These communities or states not only maintained good orderliness, that
is, there were heavy inter-group relations among these ethnic groups such as
inter-marriages.
This is not to say that before
1800 there was no war or conflict. To say there was no war or conflict is to
prevaricate history. At this point in time, Oyo which was a dominant empire,
had collapsed. The fall of the Oyo Empire created a series of wars that lasted
100 years. Even in Igbo land and middle-belt, ethnic conflict was fairly
rampant but the good news is that these communities, by and large resolve
conflict.
Wars occasionally featured in the
interactions between groups. In most cases, however, wars were fought only when
diplomacy or other avenues for conflict resolution had failed to resolve
certain inter-group differences. It is therefore important to stress that wars
should not be seen as a dominant feature of inter-group relations, or else it
would be difficult to explain the high level of cultural attainments by most
Nigerian peoples.
In addition, it should be borne in
mind that within the prolonged span of relationships between groups, the
periods of conflict occupied only a small portion. In a nutshell, in spite of
occasional conflicts, the people of the area that later became known as Nigeria
worked hard to maintain peaceful relations.
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