LESSON NOTE FOR CARRY OVER SOS 122 2018

 Defining the idea of nation

The word ‘nation’ has been derived from the Latin ‘natio’, which means a ‘set of people’. State is a word that has been derived from the Latin ‘Status’, which means ‘statuses or ‘condition’ or a word known as natus which means ‘of birth’ which is a common blood relationship truly speaking this relationship is not real  but was derived from postulated ancestors that may be common. Based on this common ancestor is mythical or assumed to have a historical background.

A nation is a large group of people with strong bonds of identity - an "imagined community," a tribe on a grand scale. The nation may have a claim to statehood or self-rule, but it does not necessarily enjoy a state of its own. National identity is typically based on shared culture, religion, history, language or ethnicity; these are the common things that brings a nation together or people that makes a nation.

People in land under single government: a community of people or peoples living in a defined territory and organized under a single government is called a nation.

The nation is a cultural entity that binds people together on the basis of culturally homogenous ties – common or related blood, a common language, a common historical tradition, common customs and habits (Rodee et al, 1976).

A nation is thus an exclusive group, and its essential features include: a homogenous cultural unit; specific and shared identity among members; deep attachment to a specific territory – the earthly home; membership is limited by ties of blood, intermarriage, kinship and common descent; members have a shared understanding of who they are, how they originated and have developed over time, as well as collective belonging (Parekin, cited by Nna, 2005).

 A state is a political entity that is in many cases made of more than one nationality group. Thus, for example Nigeria is made of about 250 ethnic groups (Enegwea & Umoden, 1993, Coleman, 1986).

Characteristics of a nation

i. National identity

ii. Common culture

iv. Single government

 v. Religion, history,

vi. Language or

vii. Ethnicity culture,

 viii. Religion,

ix. Common or linking history

x. Language or ethnicity

Characteristics of a State

population,

territory,

government, and

sovereignty.

Difference between a nation and a state

 A nation is a group of people who have a strong sense of unity and common consciousness. Common territory, common race, common religion, common language, common history, common culture and common political aspirations are the elements which help the formation of a nation, and yet none of these is an absolutely essential element. The elements which go to build a nation keep on changing. The State has four elements—population, territory, government, and sovereignty. In the absence of even one element, a State cannot be really a State.

The state not only houses the nation, but protects it and its national identity. Every member of the nation is a permanent resident of the nation-state, and no member of the nation permanently resides outside it.

In a lay man understanding a nation-state is variously called a "country," a "nation," or a "state." But technically, it is a specific form of sovereign state (a political entity on a territory) that is guided by a nation (a cultural entity), and which derives its legitimacy from successfully serving all its citizens.

The nation-state implies that a state and a nation coincide. A nation-state is a political entity (sovereign state) that governs a cultural entity (nation) by successfully serving all its citizens.A nation can be defined as a politico-cultural entity, which is identified by its unique character and collective rights. On the contrary, a state can be defined as a politico-judicial entity, which is identified by its sovereign rights. In other words a nation can be defined as group of people who are bound together into a single body, through history, customs, value, language, culture, tradition, art and religion. A state can be defined as a patch of land with a sovereign government. The idea of a nation and a state being the same thing ("Nation-state ") is fairly new in modern politics (it came about as one of the consequences/results of Peace of Westphalia , which ended the 30-year-war in Europe, when the concept of "Westphalia sovereignty " was introduced).

Nigeria as a geo-political entity

Nigeria is a republic in western Africa, with a coast along the Atlantic Ocean on the Gulf of Guinea. Most Nigerian parts consist of a low plateau cut by rivers, especially the Niger and its largest tributary, the Benue. The country takes its name from its chief river. Until 1991, the capital was the largest city, Lagos, on the southwestern coast; at that time, the city of Abuja, in the country’s interior, became capital.

Nigeria is by far the most populated of Africa’s countries, with more than one-seventh of the continent’s people. The people belong to many different ethnic groups. These groups give the country a rich culture, but they also pose major challenges to nation building. Ethnic strife has plagued Nigeria since it gained independence in 1960.

Nigeria has a federal form of government and is divided into 36 states and a federal capital territory. The country’s official name is the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Lagos, along the coast, is the largest city and the country’s economic and cultural center, but Abuja, a city in the interior planned and built during the 1970s and 1980s, is the capital. The government moved from Lagos to Abuja in 1991 in the hope of creating a national capital where none of the country’s ethnic groups would be dominant.

Nigeria long had an agricultural economy but now depends almost entirely on the production of petroleum, which lies in large reserves below the Niger Delta. While oil wealth has financed major investments in the country’s infrastructure, Nigeria remains among the world’s poorest countries in terms of per capita income. Oil revenues led the government to ignore agriculture, and Nigeria must now import farm products to feed its people.

The area that is now Nigeria was home to ethnically based kingdoms and tribal communities before it became a European colony. In spite of European contact that began in the 16th century, these kingdoms and communities maintained their autonomy until the 19th century. The colonial era began in earnest in the late 19th century, when Britain consolidated its rule over Nigeria. In 1914 the British merged their northern and southern protectorates into a single state called the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria. Nigeria became independent of British rule in 1960. After independence Nigeria experienced frequent coups and long periods of autocratic military rule between 1966 and 1999, when a democratic civilian government was established.

Human beings are known to be a tribal animal, with intention to arrange themselves in little groups around dominant males and females. A local and tribal group is the fundamental element of human organisation, which forms the basis for more advanced societies for more elaborate structure of civilised society on top of the tribal base.

 Furthermore, tribalism aids the bond that bind group of people together in forming a nation which is more complex than a mere blood relationships. The modern world has nothing to do with blood relationship in forming a nation.  Language is also one of the factors that matters and also there are nation with multiple languages and still live together as a nation. Nevertheless, nations with a single dominant language often use this language to define who they are. This type of people uses their language to define who they are, more especially when their language is difficult to learn for instance the Finnish, Danish, China and Japanese, in Nigeria Hausa, and Yoruba, etc.

 Language helps in identifying their national identity. The more unique or difficult these languages are, the stronger the emotional attachment to them, as something that must be defended. In the world of mass telecommunications and the presence of English as a lingua franca, bitter struggles are taking place all over the world to protect the national languages most notably an example like in Nigeria Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba languages stands as a sense of identification by members within the nation.

Another factor that defines a nation is culture, the common assumed interrelationship is blood which is a bond between the members it may be real or mythical. Nations also shares cultural heritage because of this it brings ties among them to the extent that they join together to fight a common war from an external oppressor.

 It is evidence that no nation is immutable entities. Paradoxically, if there is a constant of human society, it is change, and this ensures that a nation of today is different from the nation of the same name that existed in the years back. Nations are bound to change based on what is obtainable as at that time. The nation of today has gone global in the sense that the world has become a global village where the hidden things are made open for the populace to witness them. The idea of national affiliation is a deep-rooted one in the human psyche, and members of a nation suffer a very intuitive (inborn) response to any threat against it, real or observed.

 We owe this question to ourselves as why would so many be ready to "die for the nation" in time of war? Is it the blood relationship or ones love for his or her nation?  If we should look into the ways of some people how they migrate to other places sometimes these people are accommodated more especially at this modern states which include within their borders diverse communities that challenge the idea of national homogeneity and give rise to the community of citizenship, rather than membership in the nation.

 As a result of  age of global transportation and communication, new identities arise to challenge the "nation," but the pull of nationalism remains a powerful force to be identified with - and a glue that binds states together and helps many people (whether good or bad) make sense out of a confusing reality.

Location of Nigeria

Nigeria is located in West Africa roughly between Latitude 4^oN -14^o N and Longitudes 3^oE-15^o E. the country most southerly point is near Brass in the Niger Delta, which is roughly north of the Equator. The country’s northern boundary is approximately at 14^oN. Her westerly boundary runs roughly along the Longitudes 3^oE. Her easterly boundary runs from a point to the south west of the estuary of the Cross River to northwards almost to Longitudes 15^oE. South of Lake Chad Figure 2.1 shows the location of Nigeria. The country is located almost in the centre of the great curve made in the west by the continent of Africa. This means that it is roughly equidistant from the extreme corners of Africa. The flight time to any place in Africa is relatively short. It is only a few hours to Dakar, less than four hours to Tripoli or Algiers, about three hours to Cairo and to Addis Ababa.

Size

 Nigeria has a total land area of 923,768 square kilometres. This is four times the area of Ghana and about thirteen times the area of Sierra Leone. It is four times the area of United Kingdom. Nigeria covers about one seventh of the productive area of West Africa. The location and size of the country are very important for a number of reasons:

• Because of its location close to the equator and the Atlantic Ocean, Nigeria enjoys a hot tropical climate. Rainfall decreases from over 4000mm in the Nigeria Delta to less than 250mm in its extreme north east. There is sufficient rainfall for some form of rain – fed agriculture in the country.
• Because of its location and large size, Nigeria has the greatest diversity of climate, vegetation and soil as well as human population in West Africa. Thus, unlike some of its neighbours such as Niger Republic, Nigeria has a very wide range of national resources.  

Following the out of the conference in Berlin 1884 whereby the countries in Africa where shared among themselves that brought about colonization. Nigeria truly became one entity in 1914 after the amalgamation of northern and southern protectorates along with Lagos, many members of different social groups located their kinsmen and friendly neighbours outside Nigerian political boundaries. Presently the pre colonial boundaries are occupied by the Nigerian and their neighbours from Benin republic, Chad, Cameron and Niger. The history has it that these countries and Nigeria is linked by blood or descendants, meaning they share common ancestors. They also share common trade and commerce, as well as by relations of both conflict and friendship. (www.onlinenigeria.com)    

Nigeria is estimated 250 different ethnic groups and many different languages, custom, culture and religions as  a result of this there was need for the government to merge similar groups for an effective allocation of goods and services. The three largest ethnicities are Igbo, Hausa and Yoruba.

Nigeria stands as having various geo-political zones this is as cause of the  rich ethnic diversity and national identities which is heterogeneous in nature  was zoned according to their geographical areas

In today’s Nigeria they have six geo-political zones namely:

1. South –   East
2.  South –  West
3.  South –  South
4. North – East
5. North – West
6. North – Central

South East is made up of 5 states namely: Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo.

South South are made up of 6 states which includes: Akwa-Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo and Rivers.

South West are up to 6 States: Ekiti, Lagos, Ogun, Ondo, Osun and Oyo.

North East are 6 states viz:  Adamawa, Bouchi Boronu, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe.

North West is seven states they are as follows: Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto and Zamfara.

North Central are 6 states namely: Benue, Kogi, Kwara, Nasarawa, Niger and Plateau.

 Ethnic groups in Nigeria (number, characteristics and location)

State Language(s) & Ethnic Groups

Abia - Igbo & Ibibio

Adamawa - Hausa, Fulfulde, Bachama, Mbula, Gude, Lunguda, Kanakuru, Yandand, Batta, Highi, Kilba, Bura, Yungur

Akwa-Ibom -  Ibibio, Annang, Oron, Mbe, Okobo, HuMbuno, Eket, Andoni (Obolo)

Anambra -  Igbo

Bauchi - Hausa, Fulfulde,

Bayelsa - Kolokuma (Izon)

Benue - Tiv, Idoma, Igede

Borno - Hausa, Kanuri, Fulfulde, Margi, Schwa, Babur

Cross River - Efik, Ejagham, Bekwara, Ibibio

Delta -  Enuani, Ika, Ndokwa, Okpe, Urhobo, Isekiri, Isoko, Ijaw, Delta Pidgin, Igbo

Ebonyi - Igbo

Edo Edo - (Bini), Esan, Esako, Okpameri, Owan

Ekiti -Yoruba

Enugu - Igbo

Gombe - Hausa

Imo - Igbo

Jigawa - Hausa

Kaduna - Hausa

Kano - Hausa

Katsina - Hausa

Kebbi - Hausa, Fulfulde, (Zabaramanchi)

Kogi  - Yoruba, Ebira, Bassa, Igala, Igbira-Koto, Basankomo, (Kakanda, Oworo)

Kwara - Yoruba, Nupe, Baruteen, (Hausa)

Lagos - Yoruba, Egun

Nassarawa - Hausa

Niger  - Hausa, Nupe, Gbagi, (Gwari), Kambari, Kamuku

Ogun - Yoruba

Ondo  - Yoruba, Egberi (a dialect of Izon/Ijaw)

Osun  - Yoruba

Oyo - Yoruba

Plateau - Berom, Ngas, Tarok, Mwahavul, Goemai, Eggon, Borghan (Hausa) (Fulfulde in preaching)

Rivers - Ikwere, Kalabari, Kana, Port Harcourt Pidgin (Special English/Pidgin English)

Sokoto - Hausa, Fulfulde

Taraba - Hausa, Fulfulde, Mumuye, Junkun

Yobe - Hausa, Fulfulde, Kanuri, Bolewa, Badenchi, Karikari

Zamfara - Hausa

The highest population densities are in the Igbo heartland in southeastern Nigeria, despite poor soils and heavy emigration. The intensively farmed zones around and including several major cities of the Hausa ethnic group especially Kano, Sokoto, and Zaria in the north are also packed with people. Other areas of high density include Yoruba land in the southwest, the central Jos Plateau, and the Tiv homeland in Benue State in the south central region. Densities are relatively low in the dry northeast and in most parts of the middle belt. Ecological factors, including the prevalence of diseases such as sleeping sickness, carried by the tsetse fly, and historical factors, especially the legacy of pre-colonial slave raiding, help explain these low densities.

Nigeria’s three largest ethnic groups—the Hausa-Fulani (see Hausa; Fulani), Yoruba, and Igbo represent about 70 percent of the population. About 10 percent of the total population consists of several other groups numbering more than 1 million members each, including the Kanuri, Tiv, and Ibibio. More than 300 smaller ethnic groups account for the remaining 20 percent of the population. (However, as in most of Africa, ethnic labels in Nigeria are often imprecise, obscuring differences within groups and similarities among groups.)

The Hausa, concentrated in the far north and in the neighboring Republic of Niger, are the largest of Nigeria’s ethnic nations. Most Hausa are Muslims engaged in agriculture, commerce, and small-scale industry. While most live in smaller towns and villages, others occupy several larger indigenous cities. Many people of non-Hausa origin have become assimilated into the Hausa nation through intermarriage and acculturation. One such group is the Fulani, traditionally a semi-nomadic livestock-herding people. Many Fulani have settled in Hausa cities and towns and have become part of the Hausa community. Other Fulani continue to depend on their livestock and have retained their own language, Fulfulde, and cultural autonomy.

The Yoruba of southwestern Nigeria incorporate seven subgroups the Egba, Ekiti, Ife, Ijebu, Kabba, Ondo, and Oyo each identified with a particular paramount chief and city. The oni of Ife is the spiritual head of the Yoruba. There is a strong sense of Yoruba identity but also a history of distrust and rivalry dividing the various groups. The majority of Yoruba are farmers or traders who live in large cities of pre-colonial origin.

The Igbo of southeastern Nigeria traditionally live in small, independent villages, each with an elected council rather than a chief. Such democratic institutions notwithstanding, Igbo society is highly stratified along lines of wealth, achievement, and social rank. Overcrowding and degraded soil have forced many Igbo to migrate to nearby cities and other parts of Nigeria.

Other large ethnic groups include the Kanuri, centered in Borno State; the Tiv, from the Benue Valley near Makurdi; the Ibibio and Efik in the Calabar area; the Edo from the Benin region; and the Nupe, centered in the Bida area. Although small by Nigerian standards, these lesser groups have more members than most other African ethnicities.

History of Nigeria                                                                                                                              

LIKE SO MANY OTHER MODERN AFRICAN states, Nigeria is the creation of European imperialism. Its very name--after the great Niger River, the country's dominating physical feature--was suggested in the 1890s by British journalist Flora Shaw, who later became the wife of colonial governor Frederick Lugard. The modern history of Nigeria--as a political state encompassing 250 to 400 ethnic groups of widely varied cultures and modes of political organization--dates from the completion of the British conquest in 1903 and the amalgamation of northern and southern Nigeria into the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria in 1914. The history of the Nigerian people extends backward in time for some three millennia. Archaeological evidence, oral traditions, and written documentation establish the existence of dynamic societies and well-developed political systems whose history had an important influence on colonial rule and has continued to shape independent Nigeria. Nigerian history is fragmented in the sense that it evolved from a variety of traditions, but many of the most outstanding features of modern society reflect the strong influence of the three regionally dominant ethnic groups--the Hausa in the north, the Yoruba in the west, and the Igbo in the east.

There are several dominant themes in Nigerian history that are essential in understanding contemporary Nigerian politics and society. First, the spread of Islam, predominantly in the north but later in southwestern Nigeria as well, began a millennium ago. The creation of the Sokoto Caliphate in the jihad (holy war) of 1804-8 brought most of the northern region and adjacent parts of Niger and Cameroon under a single Islamic government. The great extension of Islam within the area of present-day Nigeria dates from the nineteenth century and the consolidation of the caliphate. This history helps account for the dichotomy between north and south and for the divisions within the north that have been so strong during the colonial and postcolonial eras.

Second, the slave trade, both across the Sahara Desert and the Atlantic Ocean, had a profound influence on virtually all parts of Nigeria. The transatlantic trade in particular accounted for the forced migration of perhaps 3.5 million people between the 1650s and the 1860s, while a steady stream of slaves flowed north across the Sahara for a millennium, ending at the beginning of the twentieth century. Within Nigeria, slavery was widespread, with social implications that are still evident today. The Sokoto Caliphate, for example, had more slaves than any other modern country, except the United States in 1860. Slaves were also numerous among the Igbo, the Yoruba, and many other ethnic groups. Indeed, many ethnic distinctions, especially in the middle belt--the area between the north and south--were reinforced because of slave raiding and defensive measures that were adopted for protection against enslavement. Conversion to Islam and the spread of Christianity were intricately associated with issues relating to slavery and with efforts to promote political and cultural autonomy.

Third, the colonial era was relatively brief; lasting only six decades or so, depending upon the part of Nigeria, but it unleashed such rapid change that the full impact was still felt in the contemporary period. On the one hand, the expansion of agricultural products as the principal export earner and the corresponding development of infrastructure resulted in severely distorted economic growth that has subsequently collapsed. On the other hand, social dislocation associated with the decline of slavery and the internal movement of population between regions and to the cities necessitated the reassessment of ethnic loyalties, which in turn have been reflected in politics and religion.

In the three decades since the independence of Nigeria in 1960, a period half as long as the colonial era, Nigeria has experienced a number of successful and attempted military coups d'état and a brutal civil war, let corrupt civilian governments siphon off the profits from the oil boom of the 1970s, and faced economic collapse in the 1980s. As the most populous country in Africa, and one of the ten most populous countries in the world, Nigeria has a history that is important in its own right but that also bears scrutiny if for no other reason than to understand how and why this nation became as it is today.

Early History

Little is known of the earliest history of Nigeria. By c.2000 B.C. most of the country was sparsely inhabited by persons who had a rudimentary knowledge of raising domesticated food plants and of herding animals. From c.800 B.C. to c.A.D. 200 the Nok culture (named for the town where archaeological findings first were made) flourished on the Jos Plateau; the Nok people made fine terra-cotta sculptures and probably knew how to work tin and iron. The first important centralized state to influence Nigeria was Kanem-Bornu, which probably was founded in the 8th cent. A.D., to the north of Lake Chad (outside modern Nigeria). In the 11th cent., by which time its rulers had been converted to Islam, Kanem-Bornu expanded south of Lake Chad into present-day Nigeria, and in the late 15th cent. its capital was moved there.

Beginning in the 11th cent. seven independent Hausa city-states were founded in N Nigeria—Biram, Daura, Gobir, Kano, Katsina, Rano, and Zaria. Kano and Katsina competed for the lucrative trans-Saharan trade with Kanem-Bornu, and for a time had to pay tribute to it. In the early 16th cent. all of Hausaland was briefly held by the Songhai Empire. However, in the late 16th cent., Kanem-Bornu replaced Songhai as the leading power in N Nigeria, and the Hausa states regained their autonomy. In southwest Nigeria two states—Oyo and Benin—had developed by the 14th cent.; the rulers of both states traced their origins to Ife, renowned for its naturalistic terra-cotta and brass sculpture. Benin was the leading state in the 15th cent. but began to decline in the 17th cent., and by the 18th cent. Oyo controlled Yorubaland and also Dahomey. The Igbo people in the southeast lived in small village communities.

In the late 15th cent. Portuguese navigators became the first Europeans to visit Nigeria. They soon began to purchase slaves and agricultural produce from coastal middlemen; the slaves had been captured further inland by the middlemen. The Portuguese were followed by British, French, and Dutch traders. Among the Igbo and Ibibio a number of city-states were established by individuals who had become wealthy by engaging in the slave trade; these included Bonny, Owome, and Okrika.

The Nineteenth Century

There were major internal changes in Nigeria in the 19th cent. In 1804, Usuman dan Fodio (1754–1817), a Fulani and a pious Muslim, began a holy war to reform the practice of Islam in the north. He soon conquered the Hausa city-states, but Bornu, led by Muhammad al-Kanemi (also a Muslim reformer) until 1835, maintained its independence. In 1817, Usuman dan Fodio's son, Muhammad Bello (d.1837) established a state centered at Sokoto, which controlled most of N Nigeria until the coming of the British (1900–1906). Under both Usuman dan Fodio and Muhammad Bello, Muslim culture, and also trade, flourished in the Fulani empire. In Bornu, Muhammad al-Kanemi was succeeded by Umar (reigned 1835–80), under whom the empire disintegrated.

In 1807, Great Britain abandoned the slave trade; however, other countries continued it until about 1875. Meanwhile, many African middlemen turned to selling palm products, which were Nigeria's chief export by the middle of the century. In 1817 a long series of civil wars began in the Oyo Empire; they lasted until 1893 (when Britain intervened), by which time the empire had disintegrated completely.

In order to stop the slave trade there, Britain annexed Lagos in 1861. In 1879, Sir George Goldie gained control of all the British firms trading on the Niger, and in the 1880s he took over two French companies active there and signed treaties with numerous African leaders. Largely because of Goldie's efforts, Great Britain was able to claim S Nigeria at the Conference of Berlin (see Berlin, Conference of) held in 1884–85.

In the following years, the British established their rule in SW Nigeria, partly by signing treaties (as in the Lagos hinterland) and partly by using force (as at Benin in 1897). Jaja, a leading African trader based at Opobo in the Niger delta and strongly opposed to European competition, was captured in 1887 and deported. Goldie's firm, given (1886) a British royal charter, as the Royal Niger Company, to administer the Niger River and N Nigeria, antagonized Europeans and Africans alike by its monopoly of trade on the Niger; in addition, it was not sufficiently powerful to gain effective control over N Nigeria, which was also sought by the French.

Colonialism

In 1900 the Royal Niger Company's charter was revoked and British forces under Frederick Lugard began to conquer the north, taking Sokoto in 1903. By 1906, Britain controlled Nigeria, which was divided into the Colony (i.e., Lagos) and Protectorate of Southern Nigeria and the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria. In 1914 the two regions were amalgamated and the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria was established.

The administration of Nigeria was based on a system devised by Lugard and called "indirect rule"; under this system, Britain ruled through existing political institutions rather than establishing a wholly new administrative network. In some areas (especially the southeast) new African officials (resembling the traditional rulers in other parts of the country) were set up; in most cases they were not accepted by the mass of the people and were able to rule only because British power stood behind them. All important decisions were made by the British governor, and the African rulers, partly by being associated with the colonialists, soon lost most of their traditional authority. Occasionally (as in Aba in 1929) discontent with colonial rule flared into open protest.

Under the British, railroads and roads were built and the production of cash crops, such as palm nuts and kernels, cocoa, cotton, and peanuts, was encouraged. The country became more urbanized as Lagos, Ibadan, Kano, Onitsha, and other cities grew in size and importance. From 1922, African representatives from Lagos and Calabar were elected to the legislative council of Southern Nigeria; they constituted only a small minority, and Africans otherwise continued to have no role in the higher levels of government. Self-help groups organized on ethnic lines were established in the cities. A small Western-educated elite developed in Lagos and a few other southern cities.

In 1947, Great Britain promulgated a constitution that gave the traditional authorities a greater voice in national affairs. The Western-educated elite was excluded, and, led by Herbert Macaulay and Nnamdi Azikiwe, its members vigorously denounced the constitution. As a result, a new constitution, providing for elected representation on a regional basis, was instituted in 1951.

Three major political parties emerged—the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC; from 1960 known as the National Convention of Nigerian Citizens), led by Azikiwe and largely based among the Igbo; the Action Group, led by Obafemi Awolowo and with a mostly Yoruba membership; and the Northern People's Congress (NPC), led by Ahmadu Bello and based in the north. The constitution proved unworkable by 1952, and a new one, solidifying the division of Nigeria into three regions (Eastern, Western, and Northern) plus the Federal Territory of Lagos, came into force in 1954. In 1956 the Eastern and Western regions became internally self-governing, and the Northern region achieved this status in 1959.

Independence and Internal Conflict

With Nigerian independence scheduled for 1960, elections were held in 1959. No party won a majority, and the NPC combined with the NCNC to form a government. Nigeria attained independence on Oct. 1, 1960, with Abubakar Tafawa Balewa of the NPC as prime minister and Azikiwe of the NCNC as governor-general; when Nigeria became a republic in 1963, Azikiwe was made president.

The first years of independence were characterized by severe conflicts within and between regions. In the Western region, a bloc of the Action Group split off (1962) under S. I. Akintola to form the Nigerian National Democratic party (NNDP); in 1963 the Mid-Western region (whose population was mostly Edo) was formed from a part of the Western region. National elections late in 1964 were hotly contested, with an NPC-NNDP coalition (called the National Alliance) emerging victorious.

In Jan., 1966, Igbo army officers staged a successful coup, which resulted in the deaths of Federal Prime Minister Balewa, Northern Prime Minister Ahmadu Bello, and Western Prime Minister S. I. Akintola. Maj. Gen. Johnson T. U. Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo, became head of a military government and suspended the national and regional constitutions; this met with a violent reaction in the north. In July, 1966, a coup led by Hausa army officers ousted Ironsi (who was killed) and placed Lt. Col. Yakubu Gowon at the head of a new military regime. In Sept., 1966, many Igbo living in the north were massacred.

Gowon attempted to start Nigeria along the road to civilian government but met determined resistance from the Igbo, who were becoming increasingly fearful of their position within Nigeria. In May, 1967, the Eastern parliament gave Lt. Col. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu. Ojukwu, the region's leader, authority to declare the region an independent republic. Gowon proclaimed a state of emergency, and, as a gesture to the Igbos, redivided Nigeria into 12 states (including one, the East-Central state, that comprised most of the Igbo people). However, on May 30, Ojukwu proclaimed the independent Republic of Biafra, and in July fighting broke out between Biafra and Nigeria.

Biafra made some advances early in the war, but soon federal forces gained the initiative. After much suffering, Biafra capitulated on Jan. 15, 1970, and the secession ended. The early 1970s were marked by reconstruction in areas that were formerly part of Biafra, by the gradual reintegration of the Igbo into national life, and by a slow return to civilian rule.

Modern Nigeria

Spurred by the booming petroleum industry, the Nigerian economy quickly recovered from the effects of civil war and made impressive advances. Nonetheless, inflation and high unemployment remained, and the oil boom led to government corruption and uneven distribution of wealth. Nigeria joined the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries in 1971. The prolonged drought that desiccated the Sahel region of Africa in the early 1970s had a profound effect on N Nigeria, resulting in a migration of peoples into the less arid areas and into the cities of the south.

Gowon's regime was overthrown in 1975 by Gen. Murtala Muhammad and a group of officers who pledged a return to civilian rule. In the mid-1970s plans were approved for a new capital to be built at Abuja, a move that drained the national economy. Muhammad was assassinated in an attempted coup one year after taking office and succeeded by Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo. In a crisis brought on by rapidly falling oil revenues, the government restricted public opposition to the regime, controlled union activity and student movements, nationalized land, and increased oil industry regulation. Nigeria sought Western support under Obasanjo while supporting African nationalist movements.

In 1979 elections were held under a new constitution, bringing Alhaji Shehu Shagari to the presidency. Relations with the United States reached a new high in 1979 with a visit by President Jimmy Carter. The government expelled thousands of foreign laborers in 1983, citing social disturbances as the reason. The same year, Shagari was reelected president but overthrown after only a few months in office.

In 1985 a coup led by Maj. Gen. Ibrahim Babangida brought a new regime to power, along with the promise of a return to civilian rule. A new constitution was promulgated in 1990, which set national elections for 1992. Babangida annulled the results of that presidential election, claiming fraud. A new election in 1993 ended in the apparent presidential victory of Moshood Abiola, but Babangida again alleged fraud. Soon unrest led to Babangida's resignation. Ernest Shonekan, a civilian appointed as interim leader, was forced out after three months by Gen. Sani Abacha, a long-time ally of Babangida, who became president and banned all political institutions and labor unions. In 1994, Abiola was arrested and charged with treason.

In 1995, Abacha extended military rule for three more years, while proposing a program for a return to civilian rule after that period; his proposal was rejected by opposition leaders, but five political parties were established in 1996. The Abacha regime drew international condemnation in late 1995 when Ken Saro-Wiwa, a prominent writer, and eight other human-rights activists were executed; the trial was condemned by human-rights groups and led to Nigeria's suspension from the Commonwealth of Nations. Also in 1995, a number of army officers, including former head of state General Obasanjo, were arrested in connection with an alleged coup attempt. In 1996, Kudirat Abiola, an activist on behalf of her imprisoned husband, was murdered.

Abacha died suddenly in June, 1998, and was succeeded by Gen. Abdulsalam Abubakar, who immediately freed Obasanjo and other political prisoners. Riots followed the announcement that Abiola had also died unexpectedly in July, 1998, while in detention. Abubakar then announced an election timetable leading to a return to civilian rule within a year. All former political parties were disbanded and new ones formed. A series of local, state, and federal elections were held between Dec., 1998, and Feb., 1999, culminating in the presidential contest, won by General Obasanjo. The elections were generally deemed fair by international monitors. The People's Democratic party (PDP; the centrist party of General Obasanjo) dominated the elections; the other two leading parties were the Alliance for Democracy (a Yoruba party of the southwest, considered to be progressive), and the All People's party (a conservative party based in the north).

Following Obasanjo's inauguration on May 29, 1999, Nigeria was readmitted to the Commonwealth. The new president said he would combat past and present corruption in the Nigerian government and army and develop the impoverished Niger delta area. Although there was some progress economically, government and political corruption remained a problem. The country also was confronted with renewed ethnic and religious tension. The latter was in part a result of the institution of Islamic law in Nigeria's northern states, and led to violence that has been an ongoing problem since the return of civilian rule. Army lawlessness was a problem as well in some areas. A small success was achieved in Apr., 2002, when Abacha's family agreed to return $1 billion to the government; the government had sought an estimated $4 billion in looted Nigerian assets.

In Mar., 2003, the Ijaw, accusing the Itsekiri, government, and oil companies of economic and political collusion against them, began militia attacks against Itsekiri villages and oil facilities in the Niger delta, leading to a halt in the delta's oil production for several weeks and military intervention by the government. The presidential and earlier legislative elections in Apr., 2003, were won by President Obasanjo and his party, but the results were marred by vote rigging and some violence. The opposition protested the results, and unsuccessfully challenged the presidential election in court. The Ijaw-Itsekiri conflict continued into 2004, but a peace deal was reached in mid-June. The Ijaw backed out of the agreement, however, three weeks later. Christian-Muslim tensions also continued to be a problem in 2004, with violent attacks occurring in Kebbi, Kano, and Plateau states.

Obasanjo's government appeared to move more forcefully against government corruption in early 2005. Several government ministers were fired on corruption charges, and the senate speaker resigned after he was accused of taking bribes. A U.S. investigation targeted Nigeria's vice president the same year, and Obasanjo himself agreed to be investigated by the Nigerian financial crimes commission when he was accused of corruption by Orji Uzor Kalu, the governor of Abia and a target of a corruption investigation. Ijaw militants again threatened Niger delta oil operations in Sept., 2005, and several times in subsequent years, resulting in cuts in Nigeria's oil production as large as 25% at times. Since early 2006 the Niger delta area has seen an increase in kidnappings of foreign oil workers and attacks on oil operations; the resulting government focus on protecting oil facilities allowed criminal gangs to expand their influence in populated areas there. In Oct., 2005, the government reached an agreement to pay off much of its foreign debt at a discount, a process that was completed in Apr., 2006.

The end of 2005 and early 2006 saw increased contention over whether to amend the constitution to permit the president and state governors to run for more than two terms. The idea had been rejected in July, 2005, by a national political reform conference, but senators reviewing the conference's proposals indicated they supported an end to term limits. The change was opposed by Vice President Atiku Abubakar, but other PDP leaders who objected were removed from their party posts. A census—a contentious event because of ethnic and religious divisions in Nigeria—was taken in Mar., 2006, but the head count was marred by a lack of resources and a number of violent clashes, and many Nigerians were believed to have been left uncounted. In May the Nigerian legislature ended consideration of a third presidential term when it became clear that there was insufficient support for amending the constitution. Nigeria agreed in June, 2006, to turn over the Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon after a two-year transition period; the region was finally ceded in Aug., 2008.

In July the vice president denied taking bribes from a U.S. congressman, but in September the president called for the Nigerian senate to remove the vice president from office for fraud, based on an investigation by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). The senate agreed to investigate the charges, and the PDP suspended the vice president, blocking him from seeking the party's presidential nomination. Abubakar counteraccused Obasanjo of corruption. The EFCC was also investigating most of Nigeria's state governors, but the commission itself was tainted by charges that it was used for political retaliation by Obasanjo and his allies. Several state governors were impeached by legally unsound proceedings, moves that were seen as an attempt by Obasanjo to tighten his control prior to the 2007 presidential election.

When the vice president accepted (Dec., 2006) the presidential nomination of a group of opposition parties, the president accused him of technically resigning and sought to have him removed, an action Abubakar challenged in court; the government backed down the following month, and the courts later sided with Abubakar. In Jan., 2007, the results of the 2006 census were released, and they proved as divisive as previous Nigerian censuses. The census showed that the largely Muslim north had more inhabitants than the south, and many southern political leaders vehemently rejected the results.

In February, the EFCC declared Abubakar and more than 130 other candidates for the April elections unfit due to corruption, and the election commission barred those candidates from running. Abubakar fought the move in court, but the ruling was not overturned until days before the presidential election. The state elections were marred by widespread and blatant vote fraud and intimidation, but the election commission certified nearly all the results, handing gubernatorial victories to the PDP in 27 states. In the presidential election, Umaru Yar'Adua, the relatively unknown governor of Katsina state who was hand-picked by Obasanjo to be the PDP candidate, was declared the winner with 70% of the vote, but fraud and intimidation were so blatant that EU observers called the election a "charade" and the president was forced to admit it was "flawed." Nonetheless, Yar'Adua's inauguration (May) marked the first transition of power between two elected civilian presidents in Nigeria's post-colonial history.

Yar'Adua subsequently moved to reorganize and reform the national petroleum company, but those efforts stalled, as did action to fight government corruption. The federal government did not, however, interfere with challenges in the courts to state elections. In Dec., 2008, challenges in the courts to Yar'Adua's election came to an end when the supreme court ruled that opposition lawyers had not provided sufficient evidence to annul the vote.

In Feb., 2009, KBR, a U.S. company, pleaded guilty in U.S. court to giving $180 million in bribes to Nigerian officials to obtain a contract to build a liquefied natural gas plant. A significant army offensive against Niger delta militants that began in May, 2009, provoked an increased round of attacks against oil facilities, particularly pipelines. At the same time, however, Yar'Adua offered (June) amnesty to militants who lay down their weapons by Oct. 4, and many militants ultimately accepted the amnesty, though some did not. Subsequent slow progress by the government led to increased tensions in 2010. In July, 2009, Boko Haram, an extremist Islamist sect, launched attacks against the government in NE Nigeria after several leaders were arrested; the subsequent fighting was especially fierce in Maiduguri, where the group's headquarters was destroyed and some 700 died. The group began a new series of attacks in Sept., 2010, that continued into subsequent years, with the attacks become more significant beginning in mid-2011.

The president traveled to Saudi Arabia in Nov., 2009, to seek medical treatment. As his stay there prolonged into 2010 many prominent Nigerians called for executive powers to be transferred on an interim basis to the vice president, Goodluck Jonathan, but the president did not initiate the constitutional process necessary for it to happen. In Feb., 2010, the National Assembly unanimously voted to make Jonathan acting president, but the lack of a formal letter from the president notifying the Assembly of his absence raised constitutional issues. Jonathan remained acting president after Yar'Adua returned later in the month, and succeeded him as president when Yar'Adua died in May.

Jonathan's subsequent decision to run for a presidential term in his own right threatened to split the PDP, which had alternated fielding northern and southern presidential candidates. In Dec., 2010, however, he won the support of most of the state governors who were members of the PDP, and the following month the PDP nominated him for the presidency. In Sept., 2010, one faction of Niger delta militants announced an end to their cease-fire, and the group subsequently set off car bombs in Abuja during an Independence Day parade on October 1.

The Apr., 2011, elections were won by Jonathan and the PDP. Jonathan won 57% of the vote, but overwhelmingly majorities in a number of southern states led to charges of vote rigging. The opposition candidates challenged the results, and in some northern states, where support for the opposition was strong, there were riots after the results were announced. International observers, however, generally described the presidential election as the country's freest and fairest in many years. In the National Assembly elections, the PDP won with a reduced majority in both houses, and it also lost control of a number of governorships in the subsequent gubernatorial elections.

By the first half of 2012 the increasingly violent, ongoing insurgency by the Islamic militant group Boko Haram was stoking sectarian tensions and worsening the economic situation in the already economically stagnant N Nigeria; the situation had also led to significantly larger government expenditures on security, diverting money from other needs. In May, 2013, after increasing Islamist-related violence, Nigeria imposed martial law in three northern states and launched an offensive against Islamist militants, but in many cases the militants fled without confronting the army, and subsequently they launched a number of murderous attacks as clashes increased later in the year. In August tensions in the PDP led to a split in the party, and several governors and a number of legislators left to form the New PDP; later in the year, most of them joined the All Progressives Congress (APC), an opposition group formed by the merger of several parties earlier in 2013.

CHRONOLOGY OF KEY EVENTS

Circa 800 BC - Jos plateau settled by Nok - a neolithic and iron age civilisation.

Circa 11th century onwards - Formation of city states, kingdoms and empires, including Hausa kingdoms and Borno dynasty in north, Oyo and Benin kingdoms in south.

1472 - Portuguese navigators reach Nigerian coast.

Biafra war/Civil war in Nigeria

Nigeria  Attacks, blockade killed more than a million of the Biafrans

1970: Nigeria marks end of Biafra war

Secret papers reveal Biafra intrigue

16-18th centuries - Slave trade: Millions of Nigerians are forcibly sent to the Americas.

1809 - Single Islamic state - Sokoto caliphate - is founded in north.

1830s-1886 - Civil wars plague Yorubaland, in the south.

1850s - British establish presence around Lagos.

1861-1914 - Britain consolidates its hold over what it calls the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria, governs by "indirect rule" through local leaders.

1922 - Part of former German colony Kamerun is added to Nigeria under League of Nations mandate.

1960 - Independence, with Prime Minister Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa leading a coalition government.

1962-63 - Controversial census fuels regional and ethnic tensions.

1966 January - Balewa killed in coup. Major-General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi heads up military administration.

1966 July - Ironsi killed in counter-coup, replaced by Lieutenant-Colonel Yakubu Gowon.

1967 - Three eastern states secede as the Republic of Biafra, sparking bloody civil war.

1970 - Biafran leaders surrender, former Biafran regions reintegrated into country.

1975 - Gowon overthrown flees to Britain, replaced by Brigadier Murtala Ramat Mohammed, who begins process of moving federal capital to Abuja.

Obasanjo - first time round

1976 - Mohammed assassinated in failed coup attempt. Replaced by his deputy, Lieutenant-General Olusegun Obasanjo, who helps introduce American-style presidential constitution.

1979 - Elections bring Alhaji Shehu Shagari to power.

1983 January - The government expels more than one million foreigners, mostly Ghanaians, saying they had overstayed their visas and were taking jobs from Nigerians. The move is condemned abroad but proves popular in Nigeria.

1983 August, September - Shagari re-elected amid accusations of irregularities.

1983 December - Major-General Muhammad Buhari seizes power in bloodless coup.

1985 - Ibrahim Babangida seizes power in bloodless coup, curtails political activity.

1993 June - Military annuls elections when preliminary results show victory by Chief Moshood Abiola.

1993 August - Power transferred to Interim National Government.

Abacha years

1993 November - General Sani Abacha seizes power, suppresses opposition.

1994 - Abiola arrested after proclaiming himself president.

1995 - Ken Saro-Wiwa, writer and campaigner against oil industry damage to his Ogoni homeland, is executed following a hasty trial. In protest, European Union imposes sanctions until 1998, Commonwealth suspends Nigeria's membership until 1998.

1998 - Abacha dies, succeeded by Major-General Abdulsalami Abubakar. Chief Abiola dies in custody a month later.

1999 - Parliamentary and presidential elections. Olusegun Obasanjo sworn in as president.

2000 - Adoption of Islamic, or Sharia, law by several northern states in the face of opposition from Christians. Tension over the issue results in hundreds of deaths in clashes between Christians and Muslims.

2001 - Tribal war in Benue state, in eastern-central Nigeria, displaces thousands of people.

In October, army soldiers sent to quash the fighting kill more than 200 unarmed civilians, apparently in retaliation for the abduction and murder of 19 soldiers.

2001 October - Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, South African President Mbeki and Algerian President Bouteflika launch New Partnership for African Development, or Nepad, which aims to foster development and open government and end wars in return for aid, foreign investment and the lifting of trade barriers to African exports.

Ethnic violence

2002 February - Some 100 people were killed in Lagos in clashes between Hausas from mainly-Islamic north and ethnic Yorubas from predominantly-Christian southwest.

2002 November - More than 200 people die in four days of rioting stoked by Muslim fury over the planned Miss World beauty pageant in Kaduna in December. The event is relocated to Britain.

2003 12 April - First legislative elections since end of military rule in 1999. Polling marked by delays, allegations of ballot-rigging. President Obasanjo's People's Democratic Party wins parliamentary majority.

Obasanjo re-elected

2003 19 April - First civilian-run presidential elections since end of military rule. Olusegun Obasanjo elected for second term with more than 60% of vote. Opposition parties reject result. EU poll observers cite "serious irregularities".

2003 July - Nationwide general strike called off after nine days after government agrees to lower recently-increased fuel prices.

2003 August - Inter-communal violence in the Niger Delta town of Warri kills about 100 people, injures 1,000.

2003 September - Nigeria's first satellite, NigeriaSat-1, launched by Russian rocket.

2004 January - UN brokers talks between Nigeria and Cameroon about disputed border. Both sides agree to joint security patrols.

2004 May - State of emergency is declared in the central Plateau State after more than 200 Muslims are killed in Yelwa in attacks by Christian militia; revenge attacks are launched by Muslim youths in Kano.

Trouble in the south

2004 August-September - Deadly clashes between gangs in oil city of Port Harcourt prompts strong crackdown by troops. Rights group Amnesty International cites death toll of 500, authorities say about 20 died.

2005 July - Paris Club of rich lenders agrees to write off two-thirds of Nigeria's $30bn foreign debt.

2006 January onwards - Militants in the Niger Delta attack pipelines and other oil facilities and kidnap foreign oil workers. The rebels demand more control over the region's oil wealth.

2006 February - More than 100 people are killed when religious violence flares in mainly-Muslim towns in the north and in the southern city of Onitsha.

2006 April - Helped by record oil prices, Nigeria becomes the first African nation to pay off its debt to the Paris Club of rich lenders.

2006 May - The Senate rejects proposed changes to the constitution which would have allowed President Obasanjo to stand for a third term in 2007.

Bakassi deal

2006 August - Nigeria cedes sovereignty over the disputed Bakassi peninsula to neighbouring Cameroon under the terms of a 2002 International Court of Justice ruling. A special transitional arrangement for the Nigerian civilian administration will be in place for five years.

2006 October - Spiritual leader of Nigeria's millions of Muslims, the Sultan of Sokoto, is killed in a plane crash, the country's third major civilian air disaster in a year.

2007 April - Umaru Yar'Adua of the ruling People's Democratic Party is proclaimed winner of the presidential election.

2007 September - The rebel Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (Mend) threatens to end a self-imposed ceasefire and to launch fresh attacks on oil facilities and abductions of foreign workers.

2007 November - Suspected Nigerian militants kill 21 Cameroon soldiers in Bakassi peninsula.

Nigerian senate rejects Nigeria-Cameroon agreement for hand-over of Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon.

2007 December - Anti-corruption chief Nuhu Ribadu is sidelined, but a high-profile graft-related arrest follows soon after.

Oil prices soar

2008 January - Oil trades at $100 a barrel for the first time, with violence in oil producing countries such as Nigeria and Algeria helping to drive up prices.

2008 February - Mend leaders Henry Okah and Edward Atata extradited from Angola on suspicion of involvement in attacks on oil companies. Report that Okah was subsequently killed in custody proved to be untrue.

Tribunal upholds election of Umaru Yar'Adua as president following challenge by rivals who wanted the vote annulled because of vote rigging.

2008 April - Two former health ministers and a daughter of President Olusegun Obasanjo are among 12 top health officials charged with embezzling around 470m naira (4m dollars) of public health funds.

Oil production cut by about half as a result of strike action and attacks on pipelines by militants; problems in Nigeria help keep world oil prices at record highs.

2008 August - Following agreement reached in March, Nigeria finally hands over the Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon, ending a long-standing dispute.

Iran agrees to share nuclear technology with Nigeria to help it increase its generation of electricity.

2008 September - Militants in the Niger Delta step up their attacks on oil installations, in response to what they describe as unprovoked attacks by the military on their bases.

Oil prices fall

2008 October - The government announces major budget cuts following steep falls in the price of oil.

2008 November - At least 200 people are killed during clashes between Christians and Muslims in the central Nigerian town of Jos.

2009 January - The main militant group in Niger Delta, Mend, calls off four-month cease-fire after army attacks camp of an allied group.

2009 March - Nineteen opposition parties unite to form a "mega-party" to compete against the governing People's Democratic Party in elections due in 2011.

2009 May - Niger Delta militant group Mend rejects government offer of amnesty and declares offensive against Nigerian military.

2009 July - Hundreds die in northeastern Nigeria after the Boko Haram Islamist movement launches a campaign of violence in a bid to have Sharia law imposed on the entire country. Security forces storm Boko Haram's stronghold and kill the movement's leader.

Government frees the leader of the Niger Delta militant group Mend, Henry Okah, after he accepts an amnesty offer.

2009 August - Two-month offer of a government amnesty for Niger Delta militants comes into force.

2009 November - President Yar'Adua travels to Saudi Arabia to be treated for a heart condition. His extended absence triggers a constitutional crisis and leads to calls for him to step down.

Jos clashes

2010 January - At least 149 people are killed during two days of violence between Christian and Muslim gangs in the central city of Jos.

2010 March - More than 120 people were killed in clashes between Muslims and Christians in the flashpoint city of Jos.

2010 May - President Umaru Yar'Adua dies after a long illness. Vice-president Goodluck Jonathan, already acting in Yar'Adua's stead, succeeds him.

2010 October - Nigeria marks 50 years of independence. Celebrations in Abuja marred by deadly bomb blasts.

Boko Haram

Image copyright AFP

The Islamist group Boko Haram is loosely modelled on the Taliban movement in Afghanistan and has claimed responsibility for numerous attacks

2010 November - Nigeria intercepts arms shipment from Iran, reports find to UN Security Council.

2010 December - Christmas Eve bomb attacks near central city of Jos kill at least 80 people. Attacks claimed by Islamist sect Boko Haram spark clashes between Christians and Muslims. Some 200 killed in reprisal attacks.

2011 March - Goodluck Jonathan wins presidential elections.

2011 July - President Jonathan says he will ask parliament to amend the constitution so that presidents will serve a single, longer term in office.

Government says it wants to start negotiating with the Boko Haram Islamist group blamed for a series of recent attacks across northern Nigeria.

2011 August - Suicide bomb attack on UN headquarters in Abuja kills 23 people. Radical Islamist group Boko Haram claims responsibility.

2011 November - At least 63 people were killed in bomb and gun attacks in north-eastern town of Damaturu. Boko Haram claims responsibility.

President Jonathan sacks the head of Nigeria's anti-corruption agency, saying that the body has failed to get to grips with graft during her tenure.

Christmas Day attacks

2011 December - Nearly 70 people were killed in days of fighting between security forces and Boko Haram militants in north-eastern states of Yobe and Borno.

Christmas Day bomb attacks kill about 40 people. Boko Haram claims responsibility.

President Jonathan declares state of emergency to contain violence by Boko Haram.

2012 January - Fuel price strike causes major disruption. Unions suspend action when government reverses decision to drop fuel subsidies.

More than 100 killed in single day of co-ordinate bombings and shootings in Kano, shortly after Boko Haram tells Christians to quit the north.

2012 April - Chadian President Idriss Deby calls on countries neighbouring northern Nigeria to set up a joint military force to tackle Boko Haram militants as they continue their attacks. He warns of the danger of the Islamist group destabilizing the whole Lake Chad basin area.

2012 June - Boko Haram claims responsibility for attacks on two churches in Jos city and Borno state, in which one person died and dozens of others were injured. An angry crowd kills six Muslims in Jos in retaliation.

2012 July - Nigeria signs a preliminary $4.5bn deal with US-based Vulcan Petroleum to build six oil refineries. Nigeria lacks refinery capacity and has to import most of its fuel needs, despite being a major oil producer.

2012 August - The army kills 20 Boko Haram fighters in a shootout in the northeastern city of Maiduguri. The government says it has started informal talks through "backroom channels" with Boko Haram to try to end attacks. Boko Haram ruled out peace talks shortly beforehand.

Maiduguri clashes

2012 October - Boko Haram bomb army bases in Maiduguri. The army says it kills 24 Boko Haram fighters in subsequent clashes.

2012 November - At least 100 people were charged with treason after a march supporting independence for Biafra in the region's main town, Enugu.

2012 December - At least 20 Christians were killed in attacks by suspected Islamist militants in the northern states of Yobe and Borno over the Christmas/New Year period.

2013 May - Government declares state of emergency in three northern states of Yobe, Borno and Adamawa and sends in troops to combat the Boko Haram Islamist militants.

2013 July - Secondary schools close in Yobe state after a massacre of 22 pupils at a boarding school, which the government attributes to Boko Haram. The Islamist group has burned down several schools since 2010.

2013 September - Boko Haram Islamists murder more than 150 people in roadside attacks in the northeast. Separately, security forces fight Boko Haram armed insurgents in the capital Abuja.

2013 November - Six state governors defect from the governing People's Democratic Party (PDP) and merge with main opposition All Progressives Congress, leaving the PDP with fewer governors supporting it than the opposition.

Schoolgirls kidnapped

2014 April - Boko Haram kidnaps more than 200 girls from a boarding school. The US and Britain sends planes to help search for them and West African leaders agree to co-operate to fight the Islamists.

2014 July - Nigeria and neighbours agree to form a joint military force to combat the growing regional threat posed by Boko Haram.

2014 August - Boko Haram proclaims a caliphate - an Islamic state - in the territory it controls in the northeast, a declaration dismissed by the government.

2014 October - Nigeria's military says it has agreed a ceasefire with Islamist militants Boko Haram, and that the schoolgirls the group abducted will be released. The group denies it has agreed a ceasefire and says the girls have been married off.

President Goodluck Jonathan says he will seek a second term in office in elections, but these are postponed from February 2015 because of the Boko Haram insurgency.

2014 November - Boko Haram launches a series of attacks in northeastern Nigeria, capturing several towns near Lake Chad and running raids into neighbouring Chad and Cameroon in early 2015. Hundreds of people in the north-east are killed and thousands more displaced.

2015 February-March - Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon and Niger form military coalition against Boko Haram, claim successes in pushing it back in all these countries.

Nigerian army captures Gwoza, which it believes is Boko Haram's main stronghold, in late March, leaving the armed group with only two towns under its control.

2015 March - Muhammadu Buhari wins the presidential election, becoming the first opposition candidate to so in Nigeria's history.

2015 June - Nigeria assumes command of a regional military force to counter Boku Haram, to include troops from Chad, Cameroon, Niger and Benin.

History of Constitutional Development in Nigeria, An Overview

Constitutional History of Nigeria, an Overview

Many centuries before European imperialism in Africa, the unlettered people of Africa had been governing their societies through unwritten constitutions derived from their cultures, customs and tradition. The constitutional history of Nigeria began with the conquest of Lagos in 1861 by the British. This was followed a year after by the declaration of Lagos as a new ‘Crown Colony’ or Settlement (Burn: 1978, pp.130-131) and the introduction of the first colonial Constitution in Nigeria. A Legislative Council comprising a Chief Justice, Colonial Secretary and a senior military officer commanding the imperial forces, was introduced (Olusanya: 1980, p. 518). The Legislative Council was charged with the responsibility of advising the governor in framing legislation for the colony (Coleman: 1986, p.50).

Until 1928, the Legislative Council was dominated by the repatriates. One major factor that determined the exclusion of the indigenous people from the Council was the Western education which was the necessary prerequisite for effective participation. Even, the few educated Africans[1] that made appearance between 1872 and 1922 in the Legislative Council were all repatriates (Olusanya: 1978, p.518). For instance between 1872 and 1874, the unofficial members of the Legislative Council, A.H. Porter, an English merchant, G. Hutchinson and Captain J.P.L. Davies were wholly expatriates. Between 1874 and 1886, the colony lost its unofficial nominations into Legislative Council as a result of the British administrative strategy in which Lagos was merged administratively with the Gold Coast.

The coalescing of both Lagos Colony and the Southern Nigeria Protectorate in 1906 extended the jurisdiction of the Legislative Council to the latter. Significantly, the amalgamation of the Colony and the Southern Nigeria Protectorate meant increase membership of both official and unofficial representatives in the Legislative Council. The official members became ten while the unofficial members were six. Despite growing number of the membership, the function of the Council did not extend beyond advisory role.  Still, the amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria Protectorate in 1914 did not usher in any improvement on the function of the Legislative Council. In fact, the competence of the Council which covered the Southern Nigeria Protectorate before was truncated by Governor Lugard (Olusanya: 1980, p.520). The creation of the Nigerian Council for the rest of the country, i.e. the Northern and the Southern Nigeria Protectorate in 1913, did not salvage the issue of proper representation. The Nigerian Council consisted of twenty four official members and twelve unofficial members. Of the twelve unofficial members, six were Europeans representing economic interest of colonial government; the remaining six were first class Nigerian chiefs (Tamuno: 1967, p. 118).[2]Like the previous Legislative Councils, the Council was no more than advisory body. By 1922, the Council was abandoned due to the perpetual absence of traditional chiefs who because of language barrier found the legislative proceeding boring (Coleman: 1986p. 50).

A few points could be observed from the Constitutional History of Nigeria before 1922. First, the Legislative Councils established by the colonial administration were not true representations of the people of Nigeria as they were dominated by official members. Even those Africans that were later allowed to participate were not only repatriates but also nominees of the governor. The inclusion of the traditional chiefs in the Nigerian Council, though a welcome idea, was no more than a cosmetic measure as they were unable to understand, least contribute to the legislative debate.

More importantly, the legislation by the Council was no more than window dressing as no resolution passed by the Council could take any effect without the ratification of the governor. Hence, in reality, the Legislative Council and the Nigerian Council were advisory boards to the governor. Finally, the people for whom legislations were been enacted were not informed, and were least involved. Thus, whatever constitutions handed down by the British colonial administration before 1922 violated the true principle of constitutionalism which places people at the centre of law. But in fairness to the colonial administration, the western-style constitutional process was at that nascent stage strange to Nigerians and required gradual learning and training.

Nevertheless, the pre-1922 colonial legislation was not without advantages. First, the introduction of the Nigerian Council in 1913 was an indication that the colonial government was not unaware of the need for public opinion. Hence, the advisory role played by the Council. Second, the increase in the number of unofficial members of the Legislative Council started from 1906 represented an increase of African participation in their domestic affairs.

The Clifford Constitution of 1922

Having recognized the failure of both the Legislative Council and the Nigerian Council in providing criticism of government policies and a check upon official extravagance, Sir Hugh Clifford proposed substitution of Nigerian Council with a new Legislative Council whose jurisdictions would at least covered the whole South (Tamuno: 1967, p.120). However, the Northern Province was to be governed by the Governor’s proclamations. The difficulty involved in the size of the country, poor transportation and communications, cultural diversity and legal differences between the colony and the Islamized North were among reasons for the exclusion of the Northern Province from the Legislative Council (Tamuno: 1967, p.121). However, the annual budget, expenditure and custom duties that concerned the North were also discussed by the Council.

The Clifford constitution was important in that it embodied for the first time the principle of election in Nigeria. Of the 46 members of the Legislative Council- 27 unofficial and 19 official - four of the unofficial members were elected through limited male adult franchise; three from Lagos and one from Calabar. The condition of election was the residential qualification of one year in any of Lagos or Calabar and a gross annual income of £ 100 per annum (Olusanya: 1980, p.522). The Clifford constitution also established an Executive Council to advise the governor. It was not until after 1943 that the first two unofficial Africans were appointed into the Executive Council (Okonkwo: 1962, p.211). Another major effect of the constitution was that it stimulated the formation of political organizations in the country such as the NNDP (Afigbo: 2003, p. 52). This constitution remained operative for 25 year.

Richard Constitution of 1946

Before the end of December 1944, Sir Arthur Richard, the new Governor of Nigeria, published a new constitutional proposal (Olusanya: 1980, p. 524). The constitutional proposal was in response to the demand and agitation by some sections of the country, particularly the more educated south for either self-government or more participation in government. This opinion was articulated by the WASU and the NYM (Coleman: 1986, p. 271). The proposals for the new constitution which was already been prepared by the previous Governor, Bernard Bourdillon, was presented to the Legislative Council of Nigeria on March 6, 1945 (Ibid).

Perhaps the most distinguished feature of Richard constitution was regionalism. It has been argued that the inclusion of the principle of regionalism in the constitution was a compromise between the radical regional separatists who preferred three strong states and the federalists who wanted the Native authority system linked with the central parliament (Coleman: 1986, p.276). Nevertheless, the stated objectives of the constitution as presented in the white Paper were:

1.      to promote the unity of Nigeria ;

2.      to provide adequately within that desire for the diverse elements which make up the country; and

3.      to secure greater participation by Africans in the discussion of their own affairs (Okonkwo: 1962, p. 255).

As observed by Coleman (1962: pp274-275), the introduction of regionalism seemed to be attractive to the British for three reasons. First, the idea of regionalism would at least partially assuage the nationalist agitation. Second, it would ensure that the Legislative Council did not grow too large and unwieldy. Lastly, it would also serve as ‘defense against a possible seizure of central power by an educated minority in Lagos’. The composition of the new Legislative Council included the Governor, 16 official members and 28 unofficial members, 24 of whom were nominated by the Governor and the remaining 4 elected.  In addition to two official members, the Northern Province was represented by nine unofficial members. The Western and the Eastern Provinces were equally represented by two officials each and six unofficial and five unofficial respectively (Okonkwo: 1962, p. 255).

Unlike previous constitutions, the Richard Constitution had a few advantages. First, the constitution integrated both North and South for legislative purpose. Second, the income qualification of the aspirants was reduced from £100 to £50. It was also a constitutional advance for Nigeria as the Central Legislative Council was empowered to legislate for the whole country. The constitution also introduced Regional Councils. While the Regional Council for the North had two chambers (House of Assembly and House of Chiefs), the Western and Eastern had one chamber each. Lastly, the creation of Regional Council brought government closer to the people of Nigeria.

The constitution was criticized for a number of reasons. First, the claim that the constitution increased the participations of Nigerians was a false claim as majority of unofficial members were nominated by the Governor and even in reality were traditional chiefs who had problem to communicate in English language. Second, the election principle under the constitution did not extend beyond limited franchise even though income qualification was reduced. Third, the elections of the four unofficial members were limited to Lagos and Calabar. Also, there was no proper consultation of the indigenous people as promised by the previous Governor, Sir Bernard Bourdillon. Perhaps the worst criticism came from the educated nationalists who claimed that they were excluded from the process and that the constitution was an imposition on the country. It should be noted that even though the constitution’s claim of greater participation was not adequate, it nonetheless provided greater opportunity for discussion and debating public opinion. Not only that, the restriction of election to Lagos and Calabar was probably because the level of literacy in other part of country was still rather low. The numbers of the northerners in the parliaments exceeded that of the southerners, this of course became the reference point for establishment northern hegemony or domination of the country. This again may have arisen out of the British coy to extend their stay in the country, and this was testified to by the northerners’ unwillingness to gain independence when they opposed independence movement made by Anthony Enahoro in 1956.

Macpherson Constitution of 1951

By March 1949 a Select Committee of Legislative Council was set up to make recommendations on the proposed new constitution of Nigeria. Having examined the problems emanated from Richard constitution, a wide consultation was made even to village level (Olusanya: 1980 p.530). This was followed by an all Nigerian Constitutional conference in January 1950. Among other things, the conference agreed to federal system and transformation of the three regions from administrative to political regions. The new constitution came into effect in 1951.

The constitution introduced a single chamber central Legislative House (known as the House of Representatives) and the executive Council for the entire country. The constitution introduced bi-cameral legislature, the House of Assembly and the House of Chiefs- into the Western and the Northern regions but only House of Assembly for the Eastern region. Besides division of the country into three, the constitution also established regional executive council for each region. The composition of the House of Representatives comprised of the President (the Governor), six ex-officio members, One hundred and thirty six elected members and six special members appointed by the Governor to represent interests not adequately represented (Okonkwo: 1962, p.275). Of the one hundred and thirty six elected members, sixty eight were to come from Northern House of Assembly, thirty one from the Western House of Assembly and three by the Western House of Chiefs. The remaining thirty four were members of the Eastern House of Assembly.

One major advantage of Macpherson Constitution was that it increased the level of participation of indigenous people in the government. For the first time, the number of unofficial members in the House of Representatives was overwhelming. It is significant to note that the number of unofficial elected members was far greater than unofficial nominated members. More importantly, the constitution provided much longing opportunity for Nigerian nationalists to learn the art of constitution making.  Lastly, the constitution ushered in the formation of new political parties.

Yet, the constitution was not without a few shortcomings. First, it is true that the constitution granted election principle; the franchise granted was limited by economic status and sex. Second, the election into the Federal Legislative Council was through electoral process. This was unsatisfactory to some politicians. The Governor still had power to veto any bill he deemed inconsistent with general interests. Lastly, the constitution as argued by some disgruntled politicians, further widen the ethnic relation gap in the country. But it should be noted that the spate of ethnic chauvinism and regional divisions that followed the Macpherson Constitution was orchestrated by the selfish politicians who bent on acquiring powers by all means. Hence, the creation of the Action Group and Northern Peoples Congress were forged along ethnic lines.

Lyttletton  Constitution of 1954

By 1954, it became obvious that the Macpherson constitution could not work any longer. Two major factors were responsible for the failure of the 1951 constitution. First, in 1953, a member of House of Representatives, Chief Anthony Enahoro of Action Group party moved the motion for self-government in 1956.  This generated crisis in the House as Northern delegates opposed the motion on the ground that the North was unprepared for such sudden decision.  The leader of the NPC in the House, Sir Ahmadu Bello proposed that the date 1956 should be substituted with ‘as practicable as possible.’ The crisis was aggravated when the Northern legislators were subjected to ridicule by the Lagos crowd (Olusanya: 1980, p.536). Second, both the North and the West were critical and unsatisfactory of the concentration of power in the Central Government in Lagos. (Okonkwo: 1962, p. 294). The consequence of this was the Kano riot of 1953 and the threat of secession by the North. More importantly, the crisis stimulated London Conference where the decision to review Macpherson Constitution was made (Ibid). After protracted deliberations in London and Lagos between 1953 and 1954, the conference granted self-government to the regions (the west and the east) which desired it. The position of Lagos which had hitherto been controversial was solved. Lagos became Federal Territory with direct representation in the Central Legislature.

A new constitution that recognized the demands of each region was drafted. In addition to the existing three regions -the North, the West and the East- Southern Cameroon attained a separate region each, with regional Legislative Council and Lagos, the Federal Territory. At the Federal level, the office of the Governor became Governor-General while that of Lieutenant-Governor at the regional level was transformed to the Governor. A Federal Supreme Court replaced the West African Court of Appeal, and High Courts were provided for regions, including Southern Cameroon and Lagos. More autonomy was granted the regions. For instance the regional executives were responsible for the formulation and execution of policies for their regions except matter related to the Exclusive List of the Central government.

It would appear that the London Conference of 1953 was the most agreeable constitutional deliberation that Nigerian nationalists would embrace before independence. The conference agreed to allocate limited but specific power to the Federal Government while the regions operated within residual list (Coleman: 1986, 371). The constitutional conference conveyed in 1957 ushered in two momentous developments. The formal attainment of self-government by both the Eastern and the Western regions on August 8 was approved. More importantly, there was creation of national government by the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa in spite of regionalization of the three major political parties- the AG, the NCNC and the NPC.

It should be noted that despite the full participation granted Nigerians in the 1957 constitutional deliberation, the Nigerian politicians did not display enough maturity that could guarantee lasting peace and unity. By 1958, three knotty obstacles were observable. These problems reflected in the minority questions, agitation for separate states and the threat to national unity (Coleman: 1986, 384). The growth of ethnic nationalism, and close association and allegiance of political parties to the major ethnic groups no doubt instigated the fear of domination exercised by the minority groups. As Coleman aptly observes, ‘the interlocking leadership of the principal cultural and political association has furthered frustrated the tribalization of political groups.’

Another problem emanated from party rivalry between the AG and NCNC. In a bid to gain more vote in the opponent’s region. The promise of autonomous to the minority groups created agitation for separate states by the Middle Belt movement, Benin-Niger Delta and Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers State Movement. To solve the problem, the Henry Willink Commission was set up to look into the minority problem. On August 18, the commission submitted a detailed report (Olaniyan and Alao: 2003, p.6). Four crucial points could be noted from the Willink Commission report. First, the commission advised that creation of new regions rather than solving the problems would escalate it. Second, the commission recommended that one strong police force that would not be subject to the manipulation of regional politicians be established. Third, it recommended that areas where problems existed should be declare Special Area and organization of boards that would complement development be established in the areas.  More importantly, the commission advised that fundamental human rights should be incorporated in the Independent Constitution (Olaniyan and Alao, p. 17). Consequently, the 1960 constitution came into effect. The constitution was modeled on Westminster parliamentary style. But unlike the British constitution which was unwritten, Nigerian constitution was a written one. The constitution provided for Federal parliament made up of Governor-General, a Senate and a House of Representative. The former had forty-four members while the latter had 312 members. Although the constitution granted the country political independence, not complete sovereignty.

The Presidential Constitution of 1979

The 1979 constitution, though was Federal, was not based on the ‘Westminster’ parliamentary model. A new model, patterned on the ‘Washington Model’ was introduced. On 18 October, 1975, a Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) was inaugurated by the Murtala-Obasanjo regime (Agi: 1986, p.22). The Head of State, General Murtala Muhammed charged the Committee to devise a constitution that would eliminate cut-throat competition, discouraged institutional opposition to the government, establish the principle of accountability, removed over-centralization of power in a few hands (Ibid).

The 1979 constitution provided for presidential system of government whereby the President was the Head of State and Head of Government. The governor was the head of government at the state level. A unicameral legislature was operated at the level while the bicameral legislature system was adopted at the federal level. The National Assembly comprised of the Senate and the House of Representatives. While the former was made up of five senators for each state, the latter was made up of 450 members across the country on population basis. The Judiciary was vested with the judicial power and the Supreme Court was the highest court of order. More importantly, the constitution enshrined principle of separation of powers and check and balances

(Falola: 1985, p.33).

The 1999 Constitution

The 1999 constitution like that of 1979 was designed by the military regime. Unlike the 1979 constitution which at least was debated one year before it was instituted, the 1999 constitution was an imposition on Nigeria by the military regime. According to Sagay (2000: p.40) the constitution ‘tells a lie about itself…’  Section 4 of the constitution that contains the legislative that renders state Houses of Assembly inferior (Babawale:2006, p.1). Section 11 of the constitution empowers the National Assembly to handle the functions of Houses of Assembly when they are unfit to perform their function. The control of the Nigerian police force is also within the exclusive list of the federal government. The implication of all these is that the constitution has theoretically subjugated the sub-national units to the central government.

 The constitution makes provision for the formation of multi-party system. The 1999 constitution provides for declaration of state of emergency in the federation or any part thereof. The 1999 constitution is entrenched with some military decrees such as land use decree of 1978 and the National Youth Service Corps decree of 1973.

Population of Nigeria: size and distribution

Population size

The 1991 national population census gave the population of Nigeria as 88,992,220. This makes Nigeria the most populous country in Africa. As a matter of fact, about 20% of the world’s black populations are Nigerians.

Nigeria’s population is greater than that of all the other countries of West Africa put together. It is nine times the population of Ghana; about three times that of the Republic of South Africa. Population- wise, Nigeria is the largest country in the Commonwealth, after India and Pakistan. Nigeria’s population is both an asset and a liability. It is an asset because:

·         When Nigeria speaks, the rest of the world listens. Nigeria is looked up to for leadership by the black people of the world. Part of the reason for this is the country’s large population. But there are other factors such as its abundant natural resources and its large crude-oil- based national income.

·         Nigeria’s large population is a large potential market for manufacturing industries. But for this potential to be translated into reality, the purchasing power of the people must be substantially increased.

·         Nigeria large population could provide it with a large labour force for economic development. But before this can happen, the people need to be educated and provided with job skills.

·         In the unlikely event of a conventional war, Nigeria would be in a position to raise a very large army because of her large population.

Nigeria’s large population is a liability because it means:

• So many people to be fed;
• So many people to be provided with shelter;
• So many people to educate;
• So many people to be provided with other social services such as water and health;
• So many people to provide with security; and
• So many people to provide with employment.

Population Growth

The population of Nigeria was estimated at 17 million in 1921 and 21 million in 1931. The first complete census in 1953 gave the population as 31 million. The 1963 census gave it as 55.67 million. The 1991 census put the population at 88,992,220. From the above figures, it is clear that Nigeria’s population has been growing very rapidly over the last eighty years. The National Population Commission (NPC) has estimated that the population of Nigeria is now growing at about 2.8% per annum. Compared with the developed countries of the world, this rate of growth is very high.

The National Population Commission has estimated the population of the country in 2002 at 122,443,748. At the present rate of growth, the population figure of 1991 was 88. 5 million and 2006 was 140 million may be expected to double by or before the year 2015. This means a doubling of the population in about 25 years. In order to know the implications of this high rate of growth of Nigeria’s population for economic development and the standard of living of the people, it is necessary to compare it with the rate at which the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is growing.

 It has been estimated that Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product is growing at only 3.4% per annum. This is only a little higher than the rate at which the population is growing. The result is that after the country has met its people’s basic needs such as food, shelter and clothing, there is little left over for investment in development and ability of the country to provide these things. Above all, there is a big gap between the country’s needs for security personnel and her ability to meet these needs. Thus, the country’s police Force is only about 120,000 strong, making the country under –policed, a situation that favours criminal activity 

Population Distribution

One of the most striking features of the population of Nigeria is that it is very unevenly distributed. While some areas are very densely populated, others are only lightly populated or virtually uninhabited. The general distribution of population in Nigeria which may be described as follows:

• Areas of high population density which include the Igbo-Ibibio heartland of Anambara, Imo, Abia, and Akwa Ibom States; parts of Lagos State and Oyo State as well as parts of Kano, Katsin and Sokoto;
• Areas of moderate population density, which include Ogun State, Ondo, Edo, Osun, Ekiti, most of Kogi, parts of Rivers, Cross Riverr, Ebonyi and Benue States; most of Sokoto, parts of Zamfara, Katsina, Jigawa, Plateau and parts of Bauchi, Gombe, Borno and Adamawa States; and
•  Areas of light population density, which include parts of Oyo, Kwara, most of Niger, most of Kebbi, most of Zamfara, most of Kaduna, Nasarawa, Taraba, parts of Bauchi and Gombe, and most of Borno and Adamawa. This uneven distribution of population is very significant when it is related to the distribution of national resources.

 Integration: Concept and forms

It is clear that individuals are the units of integration, and members of a nation are integrated as they share a common identity. When we look at the term national integration the word suggest a process of structural linkage between two or more parts of systems. Taking a look from the functional view of society should draw our attention to the functionalist perspective that states:

functionalism sees human society as a social system comprising sub-units or interdependent parts. These sub-units are interdependent on each other and are functionally interrelated. What this means is that every phenomenon found in the society performs useful functions towards the survival of the entire system or society. It equally means that the sub-units of the society otherwise referred to as social institutions – the family, religion, polity, economy, education, technology; are integrated and interdependent and all perform useful functions towards the survival and stability of the society. Anele (1999)

Furthermore we should understand the word nation should be an entity that binds people together The word integration suggests a process of structural linkage between two or more parts of a system or systems (Onwuka, 1982). Its essence can be discerned from the functionalist view of society. Anele (1999) captures the functionalist perspectives thus:

… It is discernible from the above reference that plural societies, with distinct ethnic nationalities operate as a system that requires each unit for the good of all. Thus, the different ethnic groups are the interrelated and interdependent sub-units that must function in unity. Integration can be political, economic, cultural or social. However, integration at the level of the country is mainly conceived as political integration, which is the outcome of a process whereby political actors of different ethnic nationalities or groups in a country abandon primordial ethnic loyalties, and embrace national identity (Hassi, 1958).

The nation is a cultural entity that binds people together on the basis of culturally homogenous ties – common or related blood, a common language, a common historical tradition, common customs and habits (Rodee et al, 1976). A nation is thus an exclusive group, and its essential features include: a homogenous cultural unit; specific and shared identity among members; deep attachment to a specific territory – the earthly home; membership is limited by ties of blood, intermarriage, kinship and common descent; members have a shared understanding of who they are, how they originated and have developed over time, as well as collective belonging (Parekin, cited by Nna, 2005).
It is clear that individuals are the units of integration, and members of a nation are integrated as they share a common identity. Thus, the term national integration is not
applicable to a single nation, but involves two or more nations. A state is a political entity that is in many cases made of more than one nationality group. Thus, for example Nigeria is made of about 250 ethnic groups (Enegwea & Umoden, 1993, Coleman, 1986).

The plurality of groups many times throw up centrifugal forces that tend to tear countries apart. This reality imposes the need to integrate the distinct ethnic groups to become a monolithic whole that shares a common identity and destiny. Essentially therefore, national integration is a process that attempts to erode the presence of micro-nationalities in place of a spirit of nationhood (Alapiki, 2000). This is achieved through the breakdown of ethnic barriers, the elimination of primordial ethnic loyalties, and the development of a sense of common identity.

 Integration approaches and policies differ in many respects. The assimilation and multicultural approaches appear dominant. Assimilation attempts to fuse distinct ethnic groups into one. It presupposes that some groups will abandon their identity and incorporate themselves into a national identity. This could be the culture of a dominant group, or the creation of an entirely new culture out of the distinct entities. Alapiki (1998) has noted that the assimilations’ approach to integration has failed to provide a useful model of integration in Africa.

Efforts at national integration

National Integration,

National integration is the awareness of a common identity amongst the citizens of a country. This means that though we belong to different castes, religions and regions and speak different language shows that we are one. This kind of integration is very important in the building of strong and prosperous nation. The nation is a cultural entity that binds people together on the basis of culturally homogenous ties common or related blood, a common language, a common historical background, common customs and habits. Looking deeply into a nation is thus an exclusive group, and its essential features include: a homogenous cultural unit, specific and shared identity among members; deep attachment to a specific territory – the earthly home; membership is limited by ties of blood, intermarriage, kinship and common descent; members have a shared understanding of who they are, how they originated and have developed over time, as well as collective belonging. It is not surprising that individuals are the units of integration, and members of a nation are integrated as they share a common identity. This is to say that integration is not applicable to a single nation but involves two or more nations. A state is a political entity that is in many cases made of more than one nationality group, for instance Nigeria is made up of more than 250 ethnic groups. National integration is a process that attempt to erode the presence of micro-nationalities in place of spirit of nationhood. Thus, integration can be achieved by the breakdown of ethnic barriers, the elimination of primordial ethnic loyalties, and the development of a sense of common identity. Integration can be categorized as a three-phased activity – as a project, process and product. Integration as a project is the desire for unity and the efforts directed towards it. The processes of integration are the practical actions that are taken to transform distinct nationality groups into a single nation. The product of integration deals with the outcome of integration process. Some researchers have noted two integration processes that can tackle the centrifugal forces associated with inter-ethnic diversity. First is the use of state policy to prevent the dominance of one group at the expense of other group. Examples are the federal character and quota system. The second is the use of policies and programmes to de-emphasize differences among nationality groups, and the promotion of harmony and understanding among the ethnic groups. An example is the National Youth Service Corps Scheme in Nigeria. The success of such policies in enhancing national integration is largely predicated on education, in terms of its content and access.

NYSC,

 Unity Schools,

 Federal Highways etc).

Various integrative mechanisms have been adopted in Nigeria since 1914, till date:

(i) The Amalgamation

(ii) Nigerianization Policy

(iii) National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) Scheme  

(iv) Unity Schools

(v) National Language Policy

(vi) Federalism, Party Politics

(vii) New Federal Capital Territory

(viii) States and Local Governments Creation

 Possibly, the greatest challenge facing Nigeria today is the threat to national unity, as centrifugal tensions, resource control and self-determination, ethnicity based identity politics and religious cleavages have enveloped national consciousness. Since independence in 1960, national integration has been a top priority of governments in Nigeria. The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) Scheme, the Unity Schools, the Federal Character Principle, and State Creation are examples of state policies intended to achieve this goal.

Strategies for Ensuring National Integration

The greatest challenges facing Nigeria today is the threat to national unity, as centrifugal tensions, resource control and self determination, ethnicity based identity politics and religious cleavages have enveloped national consciousness. Ever since Nigeria got her independence in 1960, the national integration has been a top priority of governments in Nigeria.

i.                    The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) Scheme,

ii.                   the Unity Schools,

iii.                the Federal Character Principle,

iv.                 and State Creation are examples of state policies intended to achieve this aim.

It is clear that outcome of integration policies and programmes in Nigeria have fallen far below expectation, as primordial ethnic loyalties are still deep seated. The ethnic particularism is seen as the major cause of this failure. (Naanen, 1995), and consequently, suggestions on policy options are targeted to deal with this issue.

Thus, the term national integration is not applicable to a single nation, but involves two or more nations. A state is a political entity that is in many cases made of more than one nationality group. Thus, for example Nigeria is made of about 250 ethnic groups

 Plurality of groups many times throw up centrifugal forces that tend to tear countries apart. This reality imposes the need to integrate the distinct ethnic groups to become a monolithic whole that shares a common identity and destiny.

 National integration is a process that attempts to erode the presence of micro-nationalities in place of a spirit of nationhood (Alapiki, 2000). This is achieved through the breakdown of ethnic barriers, the elimination of primordial ethnic loyalties, and the development of a sense of common identity. Integration approaches and policies differ in many respects. The assimilation multicultural approaches appear dominant. Assimilation attempts to fuse distinct ethnic groups into one. It presupposes that some groups will abandon their identity and incorporate themselves into a national identity. This could be the culture of a dominant group, or the creation of an entirely new culture out of the distinct entities. Alapiki (1998) has noted that the assimilations’ approach to integration has failed to provide a useful model of integration in Africa. This probably explains the preference for multiculturalism that emphasizes coexistence among different ethnic nationalities, guided by respect for differences and common interest and

Integration can be categorized as a three-phased activity – as a project, process and product. Integration as a project is the desire for unity and the efforts directed towards it. The processes of integration are the practical actions that are taken to transform distinct nationality groups into a single nation. The product of integration deals with the outcome of integration process (Morgan, 2002). Enegwea and Umoden (1993) have noted two integration processes that can tackle the centrifugal forces associated with inter-ethnic diversity.

The national symbols of Nigeria

The national symbols of Nigeria represent the varied customary beliefs of the country that has been a part of its rich heritage since many years. With a population of more than 1 million, the country of Nigeria stands tall as one of the fastest growing economies of the world. An analysis of the background of the national symbols of Nigeria gives you a clear idea of the various aspects of Nigerian life.

The present day national anthem of Nigeria serves as no less than nationalistic call to unify the country and bring in era of prosperity and peace in the country. Facts indicate that the first national anthem of Nigeria was composed by two British nationals but in the year 1978, the group which emerged out as the winner from the competition was credited for composing the national song of Nigeria. The privileged group of writers was:

John A Ilechukwu, Eme Etim Akpan, B A Ogunnaike, Sota Omoigui and P. O. Aderibigbe. The music was composed by Nigerian Police Band, led by Ben Odiase.

National flag of Nigeria

This is a glorious history to bank upon; the national flag of Nigeria represents the cultural identity of the country. The flag of Nigeria was actually designed in the year 1959 and officially adopted on 1st October 1960. Unlike other countries, there was no special emphasis and a historical incident to inspire the proposed ensign for the national flag of Nigeria. It was designed by Michael Taiwo Akinkunmi who was then a student in London and belonged to Ibadan, a city located in the south western part of Nigeria. The Nigerian flag is divided into three equal parts of green with white color in the central part. The green stands for agriculture of the country while the white represents peace and prosperity of the land.

Symbolic significance of 'Coat of Arms of Nigeria' lies in the fact that it truly represents the rich natural diversity along with the past historical splendor of the country which is very dear to the people of Nigerian origin and the citizens of Nigeria. The Coat of Arms of Nigeria has a black shield with two white flattened stripes blazing in the shape of alphabet 'Y' in the harbor shield. The black shield represents the fertile land of Nigeria and the silver white wavy stripes stands for the rivers Niger and Benue. Each image in the picture has a symbolic significance as the two white horses exemplify dignity while eagle stands for strength. The ground of the shield is covered with Coctus Spectablis, a common wild flower found in different parts of Nigeria.

Thus, the importance of the national symbols of Nigeria has been widely recognized through out the country.

It is significant to note that the 1979 constitution was not without flaws. First, the constitution concentrated much power in executive president at the centre. As observes by Falola, the constitution edited out the common people, hence there was hardly accountability to the electorate by politicians. The question of minority was another problem of the constitution. The worst feature of the constitution was the power of the central government to legislate exclusively on matter which could have otherwise delegated to the states. Lastly, the constitution provided that where there is conflict between the Federal and the State on concurrent list, the former should prevail. Hence, the constitution strengthened the central government more than the remaining tiers.